AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE

autograph
AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE
AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE

AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE
A VERY RARE VINTAGE ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPH OF. Former President of Turkey ON APPROXIMATELY 3X4 CARD. Cemal Gürsel Turkish: d? Sæl; 13 October 1895 – 14 September 1966 was a Turkish army general who became the fourth President of Turkey after a coup. [citation needed] After the elementary school in Ordu and the military middle school in Erzincan, he graduated from the Kuleli military high school in Istanbul. He was a popular figure and was therefore nicknamed “Cemal Aga” (big brother Cemal) since his childhood school years and onwards all his life. Gürsel served in the Army for 45 years. During World War I, he participated in the Battle of Çanakkale in Dardanelles, Gallipoli as a lieutenant with the First Battery of the 12th Artillery Regiment in 1915 and received the War Medal. He later fought at the Palestine and Syria fronts in 1917 and became a prisoner of war by the British while suffering malaria during his command of the 5th Battery of the 41st Regiment on 19 September 1918. Gürsel was kept as a prisoner of war in Egypt until 6 October 1920. During his presidency much later, when interviewed by the foreign press as to why he had not learned English during his captivity, he somewhat regretfully recalled that he was so frustrated to be a captive, he protested and studied French in the British camp instead. He was promoted for gallantry in the First Division excelling in the battles of Second Inönü, Eskisehir and Sakarya, and was later awarded the Medal of Independence by the first Parliament for his combat service in the Final Offensive. Gürsel was married, in 1927, to Melahat, the daughter of the chief engineer on the Ottoman cruiser Hamidiye. From this marriage, a son Özdemir was born. The couple adopted a daughter Türkan. Cemal Gürsel attended the Turkish Military College and graduated in 1929 as a staff officer. He was promoted colonel in 1940. He was made a brigadier general in 1946 and made commander of the 65th Division. He was later the commander of the 12th Division, the 18th Corps commander, and commander of the 2nd Interior Tasks District. Made Lieutenant general in 1953, was general in 1957, being appointed Commander of 3rd Army. Service included chief of intelligence, and he was appointed as the Commander of Land Forces in 1958 when he was commanding an army. Gürsel, as an easy-going and fatherly figure with a fine sense of humor, was well liked both nationally and in NATO circles, and had earned the respect and confidence of both the nation and the armed forces with his professional knowledge and demeanor. A patriotic memorandum he sent on 3 May 1960 to the Minister of Defense in an effort to establish checks and balances on ongoing affairs, reflecting his personal views in continuation of the chat they had the night before, expressing his support to the prime minister Adnan Menderes and belief that the Prime Minister should replace the President with immediate effect to bolster a much needed national unity, resulted in his suspension from his post, forcing early retirement instead of becoming the next Chief of the Turkish General Staff. A farewell letter by him, advocating and urging the army to stay out of politics, was forwarded to all units of the armed forces at the time of his departure on leave. Cemal Gürsel’s statement read:’Always hold high the honor of the army and the uniform you wear. Protect yourselves from the current ambitious and harmful political atmosphere in the country. Stay away from the politics at all cost. This is of utmost importance to your honor, the army’s might and the future of the country. He went to Izmir where he became the president of the Anti-Communism Association of Turkey. See also: 1960 Turkish coup d’état. A coup d’état organised and conducted by army officers at the rank of colonels and below took place without the participation or leadership of Cemal Gürsel on 27 May 1960 after continuing civilian and academia unrests throughout the country. It is rumored that four-star general Ragip Gümüspala, the Commander of the Third Army based in Eastern Anatolia, gave an ultimatum to the rebelling officers that if they did not have a general appointed as their head, the Third Army would attack to take over the capital and the administration of the country, thereby forcing the rebel group to find a senior officer over them. Because of his immense popularity among the public and military ranks, Gürsel was subsequently chosen by the revolutionaries overnight and brought into the chairmanship of the military coup and became, as of 2015, the only leader in the world put into power by a military takeover who had previously had no role in its planning or execution. He, while still in his pajamas, was escorted to Ankara in the military C-47 transport plane by a captain who was the youngest officer of the radical coup team who that by that time had already sent President Celal Bayar, Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, Chief of General Staff Rüstü Erdelhun and some other members of the ruling Democratic Party to a military court on Yassiada in the Sea of Marmara, accusing them of violation of the constitution. The day after the coup, four-star general Cemal Gürsel was declared the commander in chief, Head of state, Prime minister and Minister of Defense of the 24th government on 30 May 1960, in theory giving him more absolute powers than even Kemal Atatürk had ever had. Gürsel freed 200 students and nine newsmen, and licensed 14 banned newspapers to start publishing again (Time, 6 June 1960). He fetched ten law professors, namely Siddik Sami Onar, Hifzi Veldet Velidedeoglu, Ragip Sarica, Naci Sensoy, Hüseyin Nail Kubali, Tarik Zafer Tunaya, Ismet Giritli, Ilhan Arsel, Bahri Savci and Muammer Aksoy, accompanied by Erdogan Teziç, a law postgraduate student as their assistant (later Chairman of the Turkish Council of Higher Education), from Istanbul and Ankara Universities to help draft a new constitution on 27 May, right after he arrived in Ankara. During their first meeting with General Cemal Gürsel on the same day, Prof. Onar declared on behalf of the group of law academicians that’the circumstances of the day should not be interpreted as an ordinary and political coup d’état, implying the revolution being brought by the change process starting in the republic that day. President Cemal Gürsel also formed a scientific council to guide the Ministry of Defence, later forming the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey to advise the government more broadly. He appointed General Ragip Gümüspala, the commander of the Third Army, as the new Chief of the General Staff who, upon his retirement in two months, was succeeded by General Cevdet Sunay, and Gümüspala was further directed by Gürsel to form the new Justice Party to bring together the former members of the Democratic Party. A simple and conservative sort, Gürsel became Turkey’s most popular figure, forbade display of his picture alongside Atatürk’s in government offices, rode about in an open Jeep touring rural communities, talking to the peasants almost as if they were his children (Time, 6 January 1961). He was successful with his personal interventions in reducing the number of execution verdicts from the Yassiada trials from 15 down to three. Gürsel’s plea for forgiveness and attempts along with several other world leaders for the reversal of the execution sentences and for the release of Adnan Menderes and two other ministers were rejected by the Junta. Of the National Unity Committee writes in his memoirs that, upon Cemal Gürsel’s intervention on the prevention of Menderes’ execution, the chief prosecutor of the tribunal, Altay Ömer Egesel, said:’Let us hurry! They will save him (Menderes)! , also arranging a contingency plan for conducting the execution in a Navy Destroyer in the event of a forgiveness operation in Imrali Island to save Menderes while, at the same time, placing a press release questioning the legal ability of Gürsel for an intervention. Adnan Menderes was hanged against the regulations. I was supposed to oversee the execution. The revolution tribunal’s chief prosecutor Egesel conducted the execution despite not being authorized. Ismet Inönü and Cemal Gürsel were already phoning for him (Menderes) not to be executed but the telecommunications’ office cut off the lines and Egesel made use of the (communication) gap to conduct the execution. Cemal Gürsel resisted pressure to continue military rule, was wounded as a result of a military assassination attempt on his life forgave the colonelwho? Who shot him, thwarted subsequent multiple military coup attempts, appointed the organizers of the coup to overseas posts and played an important role in the preparation of a new constitution and return to the democratic order of the Kemalist vision. Gürsel Hosting HM Queen Elizabeth II. Cemal Gürsel rescheduled and attended the previously cancelled Turkish and Scottish national football teams’ game in Ankara on 8 June 1960 (Turkey 4, Scotland 2) which was followed by a National Football Tournament, the Cemal Gürsel Cup, that helped boost the national morale in the post-coup weeks with finals in Istanbul on 3 July (Fenerbahçe 1, Galatasaray 0). He took an active role in extensive modernization of Turkish Armed Forces and the staunch defense of the free world and Europe during the cold war, in particular during the Cuban Missile Crisis. The declaration of independence of Cyprus according to the prior agreements and the deployment of a Turkish military unit to Cyprus took place in August 1960. He hosted the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to Ankara in early 1961 and the visit of the vice president Lyndon Johnson in 1962. Gürsel obtained, with the coordinated work of Sir Bernard Burrows, and granted permission of the ruling military National Unity Committee (NUC) for British military combat aircraft to overfly Turkish airspace on their way to support Kuwait, which was under threat of invasion by Iraq in July 1961. When questioned by a German journalist regarding his intentions on becoming the next president upon proposal of the interim parliament, Cemal Gürsel responded that he was ready to serve only if asked by the nation, not by the interim house. He neither put his own candidacy forward for the presidency nor lobbied for his election or against any other candidate in any way. He offered his endorsement of candidacy of several high rank academicians in Medicine and Sciences in Ankara for both the interim prime minister and future president positions. Gürsel placed a special emphasis on participatory democracy with the promotion of the full interests of the nation’s minorities, appointing Turkish Citizen ethnic leaders Hermine Kalustyan of Armenian, Kaludi Laskari of Greek and Erol Dilek of Jewish origin as his “Deputy Representatives of Head of State” and the full members of the interim House of Representatives. The editor of Shalom, Avram Leyon, accompanied him on his travels and foreign state functions. He re-established the freedom of speech that was overwhelmingly taken away from the media organs and from the press by the previous cabinet. The constitution, which brought for the first time a full text of civil and political rights under constitutional protection along with an improved system of checks and balances in Turkish history, was approved by a referendum held on 10 October 1961. With the establishment of the first Constitutional Court that created a new paradigm shift by scrutinizing the parliamentary rulings as the “checks” organ in 1961 and the addition of a Senate to the parliament, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was re-opened after the general elections, nominated and voted him as the fourth president of Turkey. Journalist Parliamentarian Cihat Baban claims in his book, The Gallery of Politics (Politika Galerisi) that Cemal Gürsel told him We may solve all troubles if Süleyman Demirel becomes the head of the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi). If I succeed in this, I will be happy.. Demirel was elected Chairman at the second grand party convention on 28 November 1964. The President of the Republic of Turkey Cemal Gürsel assigned the mandate to form and serve as the Prime Minister of the new government to Ismet Inönü in November 1961, June 1962 and December 1963, to Senator Suat Hayri Ürgüplü on February 1965 and, following the general elections, to Suleyman Demirel of Justice Party in October 1965. With the reduction of tensions between the West and the Soviet bloc, Gürsel sought improved relations for his country’s population of 27.8 million with the Soviet Union, such as the initiation of a telephone line agreement, as with the other members of the Western alliance while initiating new credit agreements with the US and the UK as well as bilateral technical and investment relations with Germany in 1960s. The atomic reactor in Istanbul became operational in 1962 along with his establishment of the first Research and State Library of the government in two years after his administration started. He promoted the grant of the freedom of and the legal rights to form unions and to go on strike in the country. Turkish Universities gained autonomous independence by law for the first time upon the legislation he passed. Cemal Gürsel granted a presidential pardon for the life sentences of the previous president Celal Bayar and the former chief of general staff Rustu Erdelhun whose prior execution sentence was also revoked by the National Unity Committee upon Gürsel’s appeals. He initiated the new era of planned economy in Turkey, formed a State Institute of Statistics, launched the State Planning Organization (DPT) that implemented “The First 5-Years Development Plan”, arranged re-entry of the Turkish Republic in the United Nations Security Council in 1961 and moved Turkey, through his close and personal diplomatic dialogues with Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, into the direction of European Union membership with the Ankara Agreement, signed with France, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Luxembourg in 1963, resulting in associate membership the following year and a large Turkish workforce migration to Germany and Western Europe to assist their postwar industrial development. When a Cypriot leader who was exiled out of the UK previously in 1956 on the basis of his struggle for Cypriot independence from the British rule, wanted in November 1963 to amend the basic articles of the 1960 constitution, communal violence ensued and Turkey, Great Britain and Greece, the guarantors of the agreements which had led to Cyprus’ independence, wanted to send a NATO force to the island under the command of General Young. Due to the continued ethnic violence between the Cypriot Turks and Cypriot Greeks, President Gürsel ordered warning flights and subsequent continuous air assaults by the Turkish Air Force against the island which continued between 7 and 10 August 1964, ending with the fulfilment of the military objectives of Turkey, and the invitation to calm by Nikita Khrushchev of USSR. Cemal Gürsel reformed the “Teskilat-i Mahsusa”, the “Special Organization” of clandestine security services to a modern National Intelligence Agency in response to and preparation against escalating international terrorism trends in 1963. He paved the way to Middle Eastern countries and Pakistan to concentrate on economic and cultural matters of mutual interest and Ankara recognized Syria following the breakup of the short-lived United Arab Republic in 1961, further reestablishing diplomatic relations with Egypt in 1965. In July 1964, Pakistani President Ayub Khan, Turkish President Cemal Gürsel, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran announced in Istanbul the establishment of the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) organization to promote transportation and joint economic projects also envisioning Afghanistan and possibly Indonesia joining at some time in the future. He granted asylum to the political dissidents Ayatollah Khoumeini of Iran and Molla Barzani of Iraq. Gürsel, 40 years after the foundation of the Republic, launched the first radio broadcasting station of Eastern Anatolia within the centrally located province of Erzurum, where Ankara and Istanbul radios’ transmissions were not received. He brought the Microwave Telecommunications Network into operation increasing telephone and teletype capacity along with a High-Frequency Radio Link connecting London and Ankara with Rawalpindi, Karachi, Tehran and Istanbul. He laid the foundations of the new agricultural and structural development plans for the south-eastern Anatolian regions in early 1960s for the first time. With his directive, The Holy Relics from the Prophets Abraham, Moses, Joseph, David and Muhammad, including the oldest Qur’an in existence from the 7th Century were put on display from their storage rooms within the Topkapi Palace for public viewing for the first time on 31 August 1962. Gürsel added the first Ministry of Culture and Tourism to the cabinet. In a parallel effort of promoting the country’s touristic popularity in the West, Topkapi, the movie version of the book by Eric Ambler that had been commissioned for the same purpose, was shot in Paris and Istanbul and was introduced with success. Similarly, one of the favorite books of John F. Kennedy, Ian Fleming’s From Russia with Love was shot in Istanbul as the second James Bond movie, to promote the touristic popularity of Turkey, with his keen interest. The Directorate of Religious Affairs network of the country was founded with his directive and became operational on 22 June 1965. He started the new procedure of returning the law proposals presented for the President’s approval back to the Parliamentary re-discussions in 1963. Cemal Gürsel founded The National Security Council (MGK) as well as the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) in 1963, appointing Professor Cahit Arf as its first director, officially charging TUBITAK primarily with governmental advisory duty by legislation. In addition to the foundation of the Turkish Radio and Television (TRT) organization as a government agency in 1964 that brought television broadcasting to Turkey for the first time under his administration, the opening of The School of Press and Broadcasting at the College of Political Sciences in Ankara followed in November 1965. The country’s new initiative of Planning of Population Growth Control was put in effect in 1965. The production of the first domestic Turkish automobile, the Devrim (Revolution), took place with Cemal Gürsel’s directive which sparked the initiation of an automotive industry in the republic in the following few years. The first use of a computer in the country, iron and steel mass production growth, the thermic power plant and a petrol pipeline structuring took place during his presidency. Cemal Gürsel refused remuneration for his Head of State and subsequent Presidential positions and made his and his family’s living with his retired general’s salary, meeting their own expenses during their life in the Presidential Palace in Çankaya, Ankara. Because of a paralysis that started in early 1961 and progressed quickly in 1966, on 2 February Cemal Gürsel was flown to the Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, D. On the private airplane “BlueBird” sent by US President Lyndon B. One week later, he fell into a coma there after suffering a series of new paralytic strokes. The government decided he return to Turkey on 24 March. President Johnson travelled by helicopter from the White House to Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland, near Washington, D. To pay his respects to President Cemal Gürsel on his departure to home, In addition to issuing the following statement’Our distinguished friend, President Cemal Gursel of Turkey, came to the United States on 2 February for medical treatment. There was hope that new therapeutic procedures only recently developed in this country would be useful in treating his illness of several years. We were initially encouraged by his progress at Walter Reed Hospital, only to be shocked by the news on 8 February that his health had suffered a grave new blow. Our best talent, coupled with the skill of the eminent Turkish doctors who accompanied the President, was exerted to the utmost in the hope that the President might return to his home in fully restored health. We are saddened that this hope was not to be realized. We have been deeply honored to have President Gürsel come to our country to seek medical treatment. With a report of a medical committee by Gülhane Military Hospital in Ankara, the parliament ruled on 28 March 1966 that his presidency be terminated due to ill health in accordance with the constitution. He left behind no directives or last will. He was laid to rest at the “Freedom Martyrs Memorial” section in the yard of the mausoleum of Atatürk. His body was transferred on 27 August 1988 to a permanent burial place in the newly built Turkish State Cemetery. Among all of his achievements and great modesty in his down-to-earth plain demeanor, he tried to place the most emphasis on the need for a well-educated youth and a hard-working population with high standards of ethics for a westernized democratic progress in Atatürk’s tradition (commentary by Imran Oktem, Chief Supreme Court Justice – Yargitay, 1966). His portrait as a statesman and soldier remained next to Atatürk’s in most homes in Turkey for a long time. Erzurum Cemal Gürsel Stadium, some schools and streets were named after him. The developments during his term were described as the “Turkish Revolution” which was celebrated annually on 27 May as the Constitution Day until 1981. In 2002, a commemorative coin was released for the same. In 2008, the movie The Cars of Revolution was released in his memory. I took over the administration of the state to stop the tragic course of events. (Cemal Gürsel, radio address on the evening of 27 May 1960). The network was ready. I personally did not want the army to intervene and had been stopping the attempts (of takeover) of my younger friends. Now my only goal is to reinstate an administration built on the principles of justice and ethics. Cemal Gürsel, An interview. Cumhuriyet, 16 July 1960. Those who follow Atatürk will not be left behind. (Cemal Gürsel, from the address on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Atatürk’s death, 10 November 1963). General Gursel may be described as the father of the second Turkish Republic similar to Atatürk being the father of modern Turkey. At a time of deep division, Gursel earned and maintained the respect of the Turkish Nation that regarded him as the symbol of national unity. When he passed away, he had the identity of the trusted father of the nation. Bernard Lewis, 15 September 1966. A few days before the coup, it was known that the coup was imminent but General Cemal Gursel was dismissed as a non-political general. No leading role by General Cemal Gursel was determined despite the foreknowledge of the plot. The CIA; The Inside Story by Andrew Tully, pages 51, 53. On 27 May, he (Cemal Gursel) was hurriedly requested to come (from his residence in Izmir) to the capital (Ankara) to assume the leadership of National Unity Committee. The Turkish Revolution, Aspects of Military politics. The Brookings Institution, 1963. When 27 May revolt occurred, Cemal Gürsel was not a participant. He was invited to become the head due to the circumstances and he willingly accepted. (Burhan Felek, Milliyet, Page 2, 18 September 1971). General Gürsel was brought into the NUC chairmanship by the revolution team when he was in retirement preparation. In actuality he was in the position of a chairman found in last minute with a hurried search. He never was the responsible leader for a true leader is not to be appointed but is self-appointed. (By a leading member of the NUC). One of the core players of the coup, Orhan Erkanli told that they revolted on 27 May without knowing what to do on 28 May. No one, including Cemal Gürsel knew who and how many would be forming the NUC. In actuality, even Cemal Gürsel was brought in later. Years of Ismet Pasha of our Democracy, 1960-61 by Metin Toker, page 25. It is now known that the coup was the result of years of planning on the part of conspirators, a number of radical colonels and ranks below in their early forties. He (Cemal Gürsel) was not involved in the details of the organization of the coup d’état. When the coup had succeeded, he was brought to Ankara. Turkey, A modern History by Erik Zurcher. We just see that a few very important lines in his letter (to the Minister of Defence) had been censored. That means we are going without learning the true history, without knowing who knows what facts and what true pictures of turning points. (Çetin Altan, Author, Journalist, September 2006). An extremely important document that sheds light on the past has been revealed. Testimony from eyewitnesses at the time helped make known that the letter had been modified after 27 May, but the location of the original letter was unknown. This important document adds a new dimension to the 27 May revolution. We have come face to face with a new document that changes our written history. It was my greatest wish to obtain just such a document; not for my own satisfaction, but for my father, to prove this reality and obtain genuine evidence. I was thrilled when I heard about this. (Mr Aydin Menderes, Author, the Son of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, September 2006). Adnan Menderes was hung against the regulations. The revolution tribunal’s chief prosecutor Altay Egesel conducted the execution despite not being authorized. Ismet Inönü and Cemal Gürsel were already phoning for him (Adnan Menderes) not to be executed but the telecommunications’ office cut off the lines and Egesel made use of the (communication) gap to conduct the execution. Mehmet Feyyat, District Attorney General, Istanbul Province Prosecutor General 1961, The Administrator of the Imrali Prison, The Lawyer of the Year, Senator. (Reported by Özkan GÜVEN, STAR Newspaper, 13 November 2006 with a summary in Turkish at Law in the Capitol). Where are we now and where are the nations such as Portugal, Greece and Spain with whom we departed for the competition of development in 1960s? In one word, an embarrassment. (Hasan Cemal, Milliyet, October 2006). We built an automobile with the mentality of the West and we forgot to put gasoline in it with the mentality of the East. (Cemal Gürsel, President, on the Anniversary of the Turkish Republic, 29 October 1963). 1962 attempted coup in Turkey. “Çankaya’nin First Lady’leri”. Retrieved 14 February 2019. “Transport of Cemal Gürsel’s body to the State Cemetery” (in Turkish). Press Agency of the Turkish Government website. Retrieved 12 November 2006. Song of The Pharaohs – The Kings of the East and the West. Analysis of political scene on 26 May 1960, research article (in Turkish). General Gursel hosting HM Queen Elizabeth’s first visit to Turkey, Ankara, 1961[permanent dead link]. The full translated text of Cemal Gursel’s letter The research copy of the Turkish original. Cemal Gursel’s Memorandum Revealed. His video and photographs at the President’s Web Page. Cemal Gursel with Vice President Lyndon Johnson in Ankara, 1962 (Anatolian Agency Album). 60’s video montage. Presidential Messages search Cemal Gursel. Text of Ankara Agreement. The movie “The Cars of Revolution”. His photos in LIFE Magazine[permanent dead link]. Video footage of massacres and offensives against Turkish Community. Cable from US Embassy reflecting collective efforts of Cemal Gursel, Ismet Inonu and his entire cabinet and Gen Cevdet Sunay to stop executions. Commander of the Third Army. Commander of the Turkish Army. Minister of National Defense. Prime Minister of Turkey. The 1962 attempted coup in Turkey (also known as the February 22 Incident) was led by the Commander of the Turkish Military Academy, Staff Colonel tr:Talat Aydemir and his associates, who were opposed to the democratically elected government in Turkey. [1][2][3] Despite taking control of much of Ankara, the coup leaders quickly realised they could not prevail and surrendered without any loss of life occurring. Talat Aydemir went on to lead a further coup attempt in 1963. The Armed Forces Union. June – July 1961. January – February 1962. False alarm, 20 February 1962. Nevertheless there were groups of junior officers who felt that the direction taken by the MBK was wrong, particularly after it had dismissed “the fourteen” hardline coup supporters on 13 November 1960. Following the dismissal of the fourteen hardliners, the High Command continued to steadily remove officers whom it regarded as unreliable, and to make new appointments of those who would not oppose the return to democracy. While the process of handing over power from the army to the civilian authorities was underway, there were several indications of growing dissent. [7][8] One was the creation of the Armed Forces Union (Turkish: Silahli Kuvvetler Birligi) late in 1960 as a voice for officers pressing for a more radical policy. Its membership and aims were unclear and its existence at the time was little known outside the armed forces themselves. [5]:139[9][6]. Tension between the MBK and the Armed Forces Union first became public in June 1961, when airforce commander Irfan Tansel was removed from his military post and sent to Washington DC as an adviser to Turkey’s military mission. There were rumours of a number of other dismissals and appointments, and Talat Aydemir was one of a group of officers who met in Ankara to agree a six-point protocol which they sent to the General Staff, demanding the reinstatement of Tansel, the cancellation of other dismissals and promotions, and no future interference from the MBK in military appointments. [9] A squadron of jet fighters flew over Ankara to emphasise the seriousness of the Armed Forces Union’s intentions. Faced with this show of determination, the MBK agreed to the demands of the Armed Forces Union, but decided to also to issue a statement, through the General Staff, to all members of the armed forces. This statement, issued on 28 June 1961, offered assurances that the planned civilian regime would not be able to take action against the coup leaders of 1960, and that the sentences of the Yassiada trials would be carried out promptly. In July, the junior officers’ concerns were increased when, in the referendum, the new military-approved constitution was only approved by 61.7% of voters. [12] Following this, on 25 August 1961 members of the Armed Forces Union were required to swear an oath to support the work of the MBK. Prime Minister Ismet Inönü (1964). In the October 1961 elections the Republican People’s Party failed to win an outright majority and incoming prime minister Ismet Inönü was obliged to form a coalition government with the newly formed Justice Party, which effectively reconstituted the Democrat Party that had been removed from power by the 1960 coup. [13] Overall, the majority of votes had gone to parties that claimed to be successors of the Democrats. The general election result prompted Talat Aydemir and his associates to begin mobilising their supporters to use force to prevent the return to civilian rule. [14][15]:178 On 21 October 1961 a large meeting was held at the Turkish Military Academy in Istanbul, following which 10 Generals and 28 Colonels signed what became known as the October Protocol. [9][6] According to this protocol, the military was to intervene before the newly elected Grand National Assembly of Turkey was convened – no later than 25 October 1961. However, those who signed it had no means of implementing it without the active support of senior officers. Instead of supporting the junior officers, the army High Command intervened to oblige the leaders of the four largest parties to sign the Çankaya Protocol, guaranteeing the continuation of the reforms instituted after the coup, granting immunity to those who had led it, and agreeing not to stand any candidates for the presidency against Cemal Gürsel. [6][17][18]:62 The junior officers were unable to do anything to prevent the recently-elected coalition government from taking power. Once the civilian government was installed, the concerns of Aydemir and his colleagues seemed well-founded. Politicians who had been removed from office by the 1960 coup were preparing to make a rapid return to public life: the newly formed Justice Party began examining possible grounds for the pardon of those still held in detention after the Yassiada trials. A particular flashpoint was the funeral of the Democrat Party’s Minister of National Education, Tevfik Ileri which saw young people protesting against the coup for the first time and demanding the release of political prisoners. A grouping of military officers known as the “Extended Command Council” (Turkish: Genisletilmis Komuta Konseyi) met at the General Staff Headquarters on 19 January 1962 to discuss a proposal from Chief of the General Staff Cevdet Sunay that they should abandon any thought of staging a military intervention and instead rally behind the government of Ismet Inönü. The Generals and Commanders at that meeting supported Sunay’s proposal but Talat Aydemir and the Colonels who attended stated that they did not agree and that a military intervention was necessary. However, without the support of the Generals, especially the Chief of the General Staff, they would have been acting outside the chain of command if they tried to move on their own. Prime Minister Inönü decided to try and defuse the tensions within the army by visiting military units in Istanbul and Ankara. He first visited the 66th Division Command and the War Academies in Istanbul. At the units he went to, he advised the officers to remain calm and patient, making clear that he did not support any action by them. [19] This undermined the plans of those officers who believed that they should seize power in order to offer him their support. On February 5, 1962, he went to visit the Military Academy in Ankara, and no one received him other than the commanders and the inspection unit. On 9 February Lieutenant General tr:Refik Tulga convened a meeting in Balmumcu, Istanbul, that was attended by 59 officers. Thirty seven of those attending, including Talat Aydemir, agreed on the need to carry out a military intervention before 28 February. [6][19][21] Cevdet Sunay however refused to support overthrowing the government as long as Inönü, Atatürk’s deputy, remained prime minister. Instead, Sunay alerted Inönü to what Talat Aydemir and the other junior officers were planning. On February 18, 1962, Sunay also summoned the Corps Commanders of the 1st Army, the Governor of Istanbul, Lieutenant General Refik Tulga, the Commander of the War Academies Brigadier General tr:Faruk Güventürk and the Commander of the War Fleet to Ankara. These generals had previously met with Talat Aydemir and other radical colonels, and made clear that they would not agree to support a new coup. On February 19, 1962, Sunay also summoned Talat Aydemir, Necati Ünsalan and Selçuk Atakan to the General Staff Headquarters. Air Force Commander Irfan Tansel, Land Forces Commander Muhittin Önür and Gendarmerie General Commander Abdurrahman Doruk Pasha were waiting for them here, but they were still unable to persuade the colonels to give up their plans. [9] There now seemed no alternative but for the government and the High Command to take action against them. Rumours began to spread through the army that Talat Aydemir and his associates were going to stage their coup on the night of February 20-21. In response, officers in the Etimesgut Armored Units School First Armoured Division Tank Battalion placed their troops on alert. Likewise, sections of the 229th Infantry Regiment and the Guard Regiment also prepared to join the coup. By the following morning it was clear that the rumour was unfounded. Cevdet Sunay was enraged when he heard what had happened the previous night. He summoned Talat Aydemir and two other officers to General Staff Headquarters and advised them that they would immediately be transferred to new posts away from the capital, although Aydemir denied any wrongdoing or involvement in the previous night’s events. At a meeting of the General Staff later on February 21, and orders were given for the transfer of officers causing unrest to units in the East. The list of names included including Selçuk Atakan, Emin Arat, Ihsan Erkan, Haldun Doran and Sükrü Ilkin (commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment) as well as Talat Aydemir[20][22]. When Aydemir learned that the transfer order had been issued, he gathered about 600 recent graduates of the Military Academy and made a speech to them at 3pm, explaining the events of recent days. In his speech, Aydemir said. The 1960 coup failed to reach its goal. Parliament is not working. The army is being criticised. Now commanders are sent East to break up the forces at the ready. Our plans are ready, the army is with us. Our password is’Halaskar’ and our sign is’Fedailer’… If this action does not succeed, I will commit suicide. [13][4][19]. The expressions chosen as passwords and signs alluded to Enver Pasha and the 1913 Ottoman coup d’état that took place outside the chain of command. The graduates agreed to support him and prepared to fight. The units that had responded to the false rumour on 19th February did not join in this time, as they had new officers in command. Nevertheless Aydemir sent tanks from Military Academy towards the Turkish Grand National Assembly. The government placed anti-tank guns around the building. Soldiers from the barracks in Polatli and Çubuk were called in to help break the siege, but all of the battalions called to suppress the coup sided with Talat Aydemir and declared their loyalty to him. On the morning of 22 February the battalion guarding the parliament building went over to the rebels units loyal to Aydemir were effectively in control of central Ankara, including the radio station. [21] Critically however, the Air Force remained loyal to the government, and this was to prove decisive. With unchallenged air superiority, Ismet Inönü’s government made preparations to bomb the Army War College with jets from the Murted airbase. Aydemir and his colleagues announced their aims as the dissolution of the Grand National Assembly, the resignation of the government and the passing of the administration to them through the suspension of the Constitution. At noon on February 22 Cihat Alpan was appointed to replace Sükrü Ilkin as commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment protecting the Çankaya Mansion. However, the cavalry group of the Guard Regiment under Major Fethi Gürcan detained Alpan and then found itself in control of President Cemal Gürsel, Prime Minister Inönü and several other ministers, Chief of General Staff Sunay and the force commanders, who were meeting inside the mansion at that time. [4] [23] Gürcan contacted Talat Aydemir and asked permission to arrest them all. Aydemir refused because he did not want his action to be seen as a coup, so he ordered Gürcan to release them all. [4] As he left the mansion, Inönü smiled and said Now they have lost. As soon as he left the Çankaya mansion, Inönü headed for the Airforce Command Building, where he met other party leaders as well as the Airforce commanders. The government’s plan was now for President Gürsel and Prime Minister Inönü to make conciliatory speeches over the radio to try and de-escalate the situation. Mediation was established through Ekrem Alican, the leader of the New Turkey Party and a relative of Talat Aydemir, but this made little progress. Cemal Gürsel departed for Murted air base. When Fethi Gürcan seized the radio’s transmitting station in Etimesgut with his troops, Inönü’s broadcasts stopped, but he was able to resume his addresses through the transmitter at Ankara Esenboga Airport a few hours later. In his messages, Inönü stressed that providing no blood was shed, Aydemir and the other soldiers supporting the coup would not be punished. He refused however to consider any of the demands the coup leaders had made. It became clear to Aydemir that no further units were intending to join him, that his forces were surrounded, and that the government, political parties and High Command were steadily regaining the upper hand. He ordered the tanks in central Ankara to withdraw. [21] On the evening of 22 February, the jets of the Air Force began to fly low over the Military Academy. At 1am in the morning of 23 February, Inönü sent Aydemir a written note confirming that there would be no punishments if he and his followers gave up. Shortly afterwards Aydemir called on his followers to lay down their arms and return to barracks while he himself surrendered. When Inönü entered the Grand National Assembly on February 23, he was given an unprecedented standing ovation from deputies of all parties, who expressed their gratitude and confidence in the armed forces. The students of the Military Academy were given a week’s early leave and the school was temporarily closed and Semih Sancar was appointed to head it in place of Talat Aydemir. Aydemir, Emin Arat, Dündar Seyhan and Turgut Alpagut were kept under guard for a while, but there were no arrests. Fourteen officers were transferred while Aydemir and 22 others were retired from the army. [14] Aydemir was arrested not for the attempted coup but for insulting Ismet Inönü and as detained in prison for just 9 days. [13] Inönü’s conciliatory approach avoided holding a number of trials that would have caused discord and embarrassment to a government working to restore calm and order following the return to civilian rule. Indeed, on 22 April Inönü managed to persuade the Turkish Grand National Assembly to pass an amnesty law that allowed them to return to the ranks. [24] There was a political cost – in return for agreeing to amnesty the coup officers, the Justice Party demanded the early release of Democrat Party prisoners held in Kayseri prison since the 1960 coup. In fact the attempted coup, the pardon debates and the ensuing the party conflicts overwhelmed Inönü, who resigned on 30 May 1962. Talat Aydemir continued to oppose the return to civilian rule and gave many interviews sharing his views in the months after his release. On May 20, 1963 he led a second attempted coup, and after this he was arrested, sentenced to death and executed. Gursel’s father was an officer of the Ottoman army so after the middle school he was graduated from Kuleli military highschool in Istanbul. He was even captured as a prisoner of war by the British for two years during a campaign in Palestine. He served in the army a total of 45 years. In 1958 Cemal Gursel became the commander of Turkish ground forces as a four-star general. Due to a memorandum he sent to the Minister of Defence, expressing his views on Adnan Menderes who, according to Gursel, should become the next president, he was suspended from his post and forced for an early retirement. But, since he was a popular army figure, he was chosen as the leader of a military coup on 27th of May 1960 run by young army officers, which overthrew the government of Adnan Menderes. After the military court on Yassiada island, Gursel tried to stop the execution of Menderes on Imrali island, but no avail. Cemal Gürsel resisted attempts to continue military rule. He was elected as the fourth President of the Republic in 1961 and played an important role in the preparation of a new Constitution and return back to the democracy after the coup. Because of his illness which progressed quickly and took him into a coma, his presidency was terminated by the Parliament, and then he was succeeded by Cevdet Sunay on March of 1966. Cemal Gursel died of apoplexy on September 14th of the same year, in Ankara. He’s now buried at the Turkish State Cemetery. Cemal Gürsel was a Turkish army officer, and the fourth President of Turkey. Cemal Gürsel was born on October 13, 1895 in Erzurum, Turkey. After the elementary school in Ordu and the military middle school in Erzincan, Cemal Gürsel graduated from the Kuleli military high school in Istanbul. He attended the Turkish Military College and graduated in 1929 as a staff officer. Cemal Gürsel served in the Army for 45 years. Cemal Gürsel was kept as a prisoner of war in Egypt until 6 October 1920. Cemal Gürsel was promoted colonel in 1940. The day after the coup, four-star general Cemal Gürsel was declared the commander in chief, Head of state, Prime minister and Minister of Defense of the 24th government on 30 May 1960. Cemal Gürsel freed 200 students and nine newsmen, and licensed 14 banned newspapers to start publishing again. He fetched ten law professors, a law postgraduate student as their assistant, from Istanbul and Ankara Universities to help draft a new constitution on 27 May, right after he arrived in Ankara. Cemal Gürsel hosted the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to Ankara in early 1961 and the visit of the vice president Lyndon Johnson in 1962. President Johnson went by helicopter from the White House to Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland, near Washington, D. To pay his respects to President Cemal Gürsel on his departure to home. In addition to issuing the following statement Our distinguished friend, President Cemal Gursel of Turkey, came to the United States on 2 February for medical treatment. A simple and conservative sort, Cemal Gürsel became Turkey’s most popular figure, forbade display of his picture alongside Atatürk’s in government offices, rode about in an open Jeep touring rural communities, talking to the peasants almost as if they were his children. He was successful with his personal interventions in reducing the number of execution verdicts from the Yassiada tribunals from 15 down to three. Cemal Gürsel promoted the grant of the freedom of and the legal rights to form unions and to go on strike in the country. Cemal Gürsel initiated the new era of planned economy in Turkey, formed a State Institute of Statistics, launched the State Planning Organization (DPT) that implemented “The First 5-Years Development Plan”, arranged re-entry of the Turkish Republic in the United Nations Security Council in 1961 and moved Turkey, through his close and personal diplomatic dialogues with Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, into the direction of European Union membership with the Ankara Agreement, signed with France, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Luxembourg in 1963, resulting in associate membership the following year and a large Turkish workforce migration to Germany and Western Europe to assist their postwar industrial development. Cemal Gürsel, 40 years after the foundation of the Republic, launched the first radio broadcasting station of Eastern Anatolia within the centrally located province of Erzurum, where Ankara and Istanbul radios’ transmissions were not received. Cemal Gürsel added the first Ministry of Culture and Tourism to the cabinet. Quotations: I took over the administration of the state to stop the tragic course of events. Cemal Gürsel, as an easy-going and fatherly figure with a fine sense of humor, was well liked both nationally and in NATO circles, and had earned the respect and confidence of both the nation and the armed forces with his professional knowledge and demeanor. Quotes from others about the person. Professor Bernard Lewis: General Gursel may be described as the father of the second Turkish Republic similar to Atatürk being the father of modern Turkey. Cemal Gürsel was married, in 1927, to Melahat, the daughter of the chief engineer on the Ottoman cruiser Hamidiye. Cemal Gürsel was born in Erzurum in 1895. After receiving primary education in Ordu, he continued his education as a military student in Erzincan and Istanbul. Cemal Bey who participated in the Çanakkale (Dardanelles) Battle between 1915 and 1917 as an Artillery Officer also took part on the Syrian and Palestinian fronts of the World War I. He fought in all the Western fronts of the War of Independence. After graduating from the Military Academy in 1929, he was appointed as the Commander of the Land Forces in 1958. He resigned from the military on 3 May 1960 and left for Izmir. Immediately after the military coup on 27 May 1960, he headed the National Unity Committee that was formed by the military. After the execution of the former Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and two of his ministers in the aftermath of the military coup, he played an important role in the formation of the new Constitution and transition to democracy again. In accordance with the Constitution that was approved in a referendum, he was elected as the fourth President of Turkey by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) that was formed in the 10 October 1961 elections. Due to the deterioration in his health conditions in 1966, his Presidency was terminated by the TBMM in accordance with the Constitution. Cemal Gürsel who got married to Melahat Hanim in 1927 and had a child with her died on 14 September 1966. Military man, statesman, 4th president of Republic of Turkey. June 10th, 1895, Erzurum – D. September 14th, 1966, Ankara. The son of a military family, he studied the primary school in Ordu. After completing the secondary school in Erzincan; he studied at Istanbul Kuleli Military High School. During his senior year, the 1st World War began. Because of the war, his education was interrupted on October 16th, 1914 and he started to serve in 4th Army Command as lieutenant. He fought in the Battle of Dardanelles between 1915 and 1917 as the artillery officer. He was on the battles on the Palestine and Syrian fronts. He participated in almost all the battles on the Western Front during the Independence War. He got promotion and became the captain on 1st September 1922. He entered War Academy on 1st October 1926 and graduated as a staff officer in 1929. In 1927, he married Melahat Hanim and they had one son, Muzaffer. Starting from 1946, he was promoted to the Brigadier General and undertook commands of divisions, corps and the army. In 1958, he was promoted to the rank of General and became the Commander of the Land Forces. Before the May 27th 1960 Revolution; while he was still a Commander of the Land Forces; he visited Ethem Menderes, who was the Minister of Defense on 2nd May 1960. During his visit, he reflected his personal views to the Minister of Defense, accordingly to the government, expressing his support to the Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and a letter reflecting his belief that the Prime Minister should replace the President. This resulted in his suspension from his post, forcing an early retirement on 3rd May 1960. A farewell letter by him, advocating and urging the army to stay out of politics, was forwarded to all units of the armed forces at the time of his departure on leave for Izmir. After the coup d’état on 27 May 1960, which was organized and conducted by army officers at the rank of colonels and below, Cemal Gürsel, was chosen as the chairman of the military coup and by the National Unity Committee. During his position, he survived an assassination attempt, but he was wounded. He and other 13 members of the National Unity Committee, including Türkes, were sent to abroad for an official duty. While he was the chairman of National Unity Committee, he launched the Erzurum Radio. Gürsel directed the retired general Ragip Gümüspala to bring the Demokrat Party members together to form the Adalet Party. By virtue of the 1961 Constitution, which was prepared by the Constituent Assembly and presented for a referendum held on 10th October 1961, he was nominated and gained the majority of the votes at Turkish Grand National Assembly to be the fourth president of Turkey on 21st October 1961. He initiated the new era of planned economy in Turkey and formed a State Institute of Statistics, launched the State Planning Organization. He promoted the legal rights to form unions, to go on strike in the country and to enact the law of collective bargaining. The establishment of National Security Council (MIT), the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, the School of Press and Broadcasting were established during his presidency. He also paved the way for the planning to develop the Southeastern Turkey, the formation of Turkish Radio and Television Association (TRT) (1964), the first use of a computer in the country, the establishment of the first State Research Library, as well as the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) along with many other “firsts”. The production of the first domestic Turkish automobile, “Devrim” T. Revolution, took place with Cemal Gürsel’s directive. Because of a disease that started in 1966, Cemal Gürsel was sent abroad. In accordance with the Constitution, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey ruled that his presidency be terminated due to his ill health on 28th March 1966. When he died, he was laid to rest at the “Freedom Martyrs Memorial” section in the yard of the Atatürk’s mausoleum. His body was later transferred to the Turkish State Cemetery. Excelling in the battles of the Final Offensive, he was awarded the Medal of Independence. A documentary film was made about him by because of the manufacture of the “Devrim” automobile. On 27 May 1960, General Cemal Gürsel led a coup d’etat that removed President Celal Bayar, prime minister Adnan Menderes, and his cabinet from power and dissolved the parliament. Several members of the Menderes government were charged with various crimes ranging from misuse of public funds to abrogation of the Constitution and high treason. Arraigned before a joint civilian – military tribunal, a number of those charged were sentenced to prison terms and former Premier Menderes was executed along with two other ministers. The 1960 coup occurred against a backdrop of escalating tension between the government and opposition that threatened to erupt into civil war. First elected in 1950, Menderes built on the liberalization measures that followed Atatürk’s death in 1938, including a relaxation of laws that restricted the role of minorities and Islam. Confronted with strong Kemalist opposition, the government repeatedly passed legislation designed to restrict freedom of the press to print material “designed to damage the political or financial prestige of the state” or “belittling persons holding official positions”. By 1959, growing hostilities between government and opposition supporters fuelled by a polarization of public opinion led to violent clashes. In April 1960, a series of large-scale student demonstrations paralyzed university campuses and led to bloody confrontations with police forces. The imposition of martial law in Istanbul and Ankara on 1st of May and the confinement of demonstrators in detention camps failed to restore civil order. Although public unrest had been growing over the previous year, the trigger for the coup appears to have been the 1st of May decision to use the armed forces in an effort to regain control of the situation. While some senior officers supported the government, Istanbul’s martial law commander announced that his troops were authorized to fire on “even the smallest public assembly” – others were not united behind this policy. One week after the declaration of martial law, the commander of land forces, General Gürsel, was placed on a compulsory leave of absence. In his farewell message, Gürsel urged his troops to steel themselves against the greedy political atmosphere now blowing through the country. Such sentiments were clearly shared by others as well. Former President and Atatürk’s colleague, Ismet Inönü, warned that “an oppressive regime can never be sure of the army”. In a 27 May broadcast, Cemal Gürsel rejected dictatorship and announced that the government had been overthrown to help establish an honest and just democratic order and to give over the administration of the state into the hands of the nation. In a press conference on 28 May, Gürsel emphasized that the purpose and the aim of the coup is to bring the country with all speed to a fair, clean and solid democracy… I want to transfer power and the administration of the nation to the free choice of the people. That same day, the military-dominated cabinet issued a policy statement promising respect for human rights and the abolition of all laws contrary to the Kemalist tradition. The military dominated the political scene until October 1965. During that time, a series of conservative coalition government led by former President Inönü held office. When free elections were once again permitted, Süleyman Demirel led his Justice Party (Adalet Parti – AP) to victory. Demirel remained in office until the Turkish military forced his resignation in March 1971. This item is in the category “Collectibles\Autographs\Historical”. The seller is “memorabilia111″ and is located in this country: US. 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  • Country/Region of Manufacture: Turkey
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AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE

AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE

autograph
AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE
AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE

AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE
A VERY RARE VINTAGE ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPH OF. Former President of Turkey ON APPROXIMATELY 3X4 CARD. Cemal Gürsel Turkish: d? Sæl; 13 October 1895 – 14 September 1966 was a Turkish army general who became the fourth President of Turkey after a coup. [citation needed] After the elementary school in Ordu and the military middle school in Erzincan, he graduated from the Kuleli military high school in Istanbul. He was a popular figure and was therefore nicknamed “Cemal Aga” (big brother Cemal) since his childhood school years and onwards all his life. Gürsel served in the Army for 45 years. During World War I, he participated in the Battle of Çanakkale in Dardanelles, Gallipoli as a lieutenant with the First Battery of the 12th Artillery Regiment in 1915 and received the War Medal. He later fought at the Palestine and Syria fronts in 1917 and became a prisoner of war by the British while suffering malaria during his command of the 5th Battery of the 41st Regiment on 19 September 1918. Gürsel was kept as a prisoner of war in Egypt until 6 October 1920. During his presidency much later, when interviewed by the foreign press as to why he had not learned English during his captivity, he somewhat regretfully recalled that he was so frustrated to be a captive, he protested and studied French in the British camp instead. He was promoted for gallantry in the First Division excelling in the battles of Second Inönü, Eskisehir and Sakarya, and was later awarded the Medal of Independence by the first Parliament for his combat service in the Final Offensive. Gürsel was married, in 1927, to Melahat, the daughter of the chief engineer on the Ottoman cruiser Hamidiye. From this marriage, a son Özdemir was born. The couple adopted a daughter Türkan. Cemal Gürsel attended the Turkish Military College and graduated in 1929 as a staff officer. He was promoted colonel in 1940. He was made a brigadier general in 1946 and made commander of the 65th Division. He was later the commander of the 12th Division, the 18th Corps commander, and commander of the 2nd Interior Tasks District. Made Lieutenant general in 1953, was general in 1957, being appointed Commander of 3rd Army. Service included chief of intelligence, and he was appointed as the Commander of Land Forces in 1958 when he was commanding an army. Gürsel, as an easy-going and fatherly figure with a fine sense of humor, was well liked both nationally and in NATO circles, and had earned the respect and confidence of both the nation and the armed forces with his professional knowledge and demeanor. A patriotic memorandum he sent on 3 May 1960 to the Minister of Defense in an effort to establish checks and balances on ongoing affairs, reflecting his personal views in continuation of the chat they had the night before, expressing his support to the prime minister Adnan Menderes and belief that the Prime Minister should replace the President with immediate effect to bolster a much needed national unity, resulted in his suspension from his post, forcing early retirement instead of becoming the next Chief of the Turkish General Staff. A farewell letter by him, advocating and urging the army to stay out of politics, was forwarded to all units of the armed forces at the time of his departure on leave. Cemal Gürsel’s statement read:’Always hold high the honor of the army and the uniform you wear. Protect yourselves from the current ambitious and harmful political atmosphere in the country. Stay away from the politics at all cost. This is of utmost importance to your honor, the army’s might and the future of the country. He went to Izmir where he became the president of the Anti-Communism Association of Turkey. See also: 1960 Turkish coup d’état. A coup d’état organised and conducted by army officers at the rank of colonels and below took place without the participation or leadership of Cemal Gürsel on 27 May 1960 after continuing civilian and academia unrests throughout the country. It is rumored that four-star general Ragip Gümüspala, the Commander of the Third Army based in Eastern Anatolia, gave an ultimatum to the rebelling officers that if they did not have a general appointed as their head, the Third Army would attack to take over the capital and the administration of the country, thereby forcing the rebel group to find a senior officer over them. Because of his immense popularity among the public and military ranks, Gürsel was subsequently chosen by the revolutionaries overnight and brought into the chairmanship of the military coup and became, as of 2015, the only leader in the world put into power by a military takeover who had previously had no role in its planning or execution. He, while still in his pajamas, was escorted to Ankara in the military C-47 transport plane by a captain who was the youngest officer of the radical coup team who that by that time had already sent President Celal Bayar, Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, Chief of General Staff Rüstü Erdelhun and some other members of the ruling Democratic Party to a military court on Yassiada in the Sea of Marmara, accusing them of violation of the constitution. The day after the coup, four-star general Cemal Gürsel was declared the commander in chief, Head of state, Prime minister and Minister of Defense of the 24th government on 30 May 1960, in theory giving him more absolute powers than even Kemal Atatürk had ever had. Gürsel freed 200 students and nine newsmen, and licensed 14 banned newspapers to start publishing again (Time, 6 June 1960). He fetched ten law professors, namely Siddik Sami Onar, Hifzi Veldet Velidedeoglu, Ragip Sarica, Naci Sensoy, Hüseyin Nail Kubali, Tarik Zafer Tunaya, Ismet Giritli, Ilhan Arsel, Bahri Savci and Muammer Aksoy, accompanied by Erdogan Teziç, a law postgraduate student as their assistant (later Chairman of the Turkish Council of Higher Education), from Istanbul and Ankara Universities to help draft a new constitution on 27 May, right after he arrived in Ankara. During their first meeting with General Cemal Gürsel on the same day, Prof. Onar declared on behalf of the group of law academicians that’the circumstances of the day should not be interpreted as an ordinary and political coup d’état, implying the revolution being brought by the change process starting in the republic that day. President Cemal Gürsel also formed a scientific council to guide the Ministry of Defence, later forming the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey to advise the government more broadly. He appointed General Ragip Gümüspala, the commander of the Third Army, as the new Chief of the General Staff who, upon his retirement in two months, was succeeded by General Cevdet Sunay, and Gümüspala was further directed by Gürsel to form the new Justice Party to bring together the former members of the Democratic Party. A simple and conservative sort, Gürsel became Turkey’s most popular figure, forbade display of his picture alongside Atatürk’s in government offices, rode about in an open Jeep touring rural communities, talking to the peasants almost as if they were his children (Time, 6 January 1961). He was successful with his personal interventions in reducing the number of execution verdicts from the Yassiada trials from 15 down to three. Gürsel’s plea for forgiveness and attempts along with several other world leaders for the reversal of the execution sentences and for the release of Adnan Menderes and two other ministers were rejected by the Junta. Of the National Unity Committee writes in his memoirs that, upon Cemal Gürsel’s intervention on the prevention of Menderes’ execution, the chief prosecutor of the tribunal, Altay Ömer Egesel, said:’Let us hurry! They will save him (Menderes)! , also arranging a contingency plan for conducting the execution in a Navy Destroyer in the event of a forgiveness operation in Imrali Island to save Menderes while, at the same time, placing a press release questioning the legal ability of Gürsel for an intervention. Adnan Menderes was hanged against the regulations. I was supposed to oversee the execution. The revolution tribunal’s chief prosecutor Egesel conducted the execution despite not being authorized. Ismet Inönü and Cemal Gürsel were already phoning for him (Menderes) not to be executed but the telecommunications’ office cut off the lines and Egesel made use of the (communication) gap to conduct the execution. Cemal Gürsel resisted pressure to continue military rule, was wounded as a result of a military assassination attempt on his life forgave the colonelwho? Who shot him, thwarted subsequent multiple military coup attempts, appointed the organizers of the coup to overseas posts and played an important role in the preparation of a new constitution and return to the democratic order of the Kemalist vision. Gürsel Hosting HM Queen Elizabeth II. Cemal Gürsel rescheduled and attended the previously cancelled Turkish and Scottish national football teams’ game in Ankara on 8 June 1960 (Turkey 4, Scotland 2) which was followed by a National Football Tournament, the Cemal Gürsel Cup, that helped boost the national morale in the post-coup weeks with finals in Istanbul on 3 July (Fenerbahçe 1, Galatasaray 0). He took an active role in extensive modernization of Turkish Armed Forces and the staunch defense of the free world and Europe during the cold war, in particular during the Cuban Missile Crisis. The declaration of independence of Cyprus according to the prior agreements and the deployment of a Turkish military unit to Cyprus took place in August 1960. He hosted the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to Ankara in early 1961 and the visit of the vice president Lyndon Johnson in 1962. Gürsel obtained, with the coordinated work of Sir Bernard Burrows, and granted permission of the ruling military National Unity Committee (NUC) for British military combat aircraft to overfly Turkish airspace on their way to support Kuwait, which was under threat of invasion by Iraq in July 1961. When questioned by a German journalist regarding his intentions on becoming the next president upon proposal of the interim parliament, Cemal Gürsel responded that he was ready to serve only if asked by the nation, not by the interim house. He neither put his own candidacy forward for the presidency nor lobbied for his election or against any other candidate in any way. He offered his endorsement of candidacy of several high rank academicians in Medicine and Sciences in Ankara for both the interim prime minister and future president positions. Gürsel placed a special emphasis on participatory democracy with the promotion of the full interests of the nation’s minorities, appointing Turkish Citizen ethnic leaders Hermine Kalustyan of Armenian, Kaludi Laskari of Greek and Erol Dilek of Jewish origin as his “Deputy Representatives of Head of State” and the full members of the interim House of Representatives. The editor of Shalom, Avram Leyon, accompanied him on his travels and foreign state functions. He re-established the freedom of speech that was overwhelmingly taken away from the media organs and from the press by the previous cabinet. The constitution, which brought for the first time a full text of civil and political rights under constitutional protection along with an improved system of checks and balances in Turkish history, was approved by a referendum held on 10 October 1961. With the establishment of the first Constitutional Court that created a new paradigm shift by scrutinizing the parliamentary rulings as the “checks” organ in 1961 and the addition of a Senate to the parliament, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was re-opened after the general elections, nominated and voted him as the fourth president of Turkey. Journalist Parliamentarian Cihat Baban claims in his book, The Gallery of Politics (Politika Galerisi) that Cemal Gürsel told him We may solve all troubles if Süleyman Demirel becomes the head of the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi). If I succeed in this, I will be happy.. Demirel was elected Chairman at the second grand party convention on 28 November 1964. The President of the Republic of Turkey Cemal Gürsel assigned the mandate to form and serve as the Prime Minister of the new government to Ismet Inönü in November 1961, June 1962 and December 1963, to Senator Suat Hayri Ürgüplü on February 1965 and, following the general elections, to Suleyman Demirel of Justice Party in October 1965. With the reduction of tensions between the West and the Soviet bloc, Gürsel sought improved relations for his country’s population of 27.8 million with the Soviet Union, such as the initiation of a telephone line agreement, as with the other members of the Western alliance while initiating new credit agreements with the US and the UK as well as bilateral technical and investment relations with Germany in 1960s. The atomic reactor in Istanbul became operational in 1962 along with his establishment of the first Research and State Library of the government in two years after his administration started. He promoted the grant of the freedom of and the legal rights to form unions and to go on strike in the country. Turkish Universities gained autonomous independence by law for the first time upon the legislation he passed. Cemal Gürsel granted a presidential pardon for the life sentences of the previous president Celal Bayar and the former chief of general staff Rustu Erdelhun whose prior execution sentence was also revoked by the National Unity Committee upon Gürsel’s appeals. He initiated the new era of planned economy in Turkey, formed a State Institute of Statistics, launched the State Planning Organization (DPT) that implemented “The First 5-Years Development Plan”, arranged re-entry of the Turkish Republic in the United Nations Security Council in 1961 and moved Turkey, through his close and personal diplomatic dialogues with Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, into the direction of European Union membership with the Ankara Agreement, signed with France, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Luxembourg in 1963, resulting in associate membership the following year and a large Turkish workforce migration to Germany and Western Europe to assist their postwar industrial development. When a Cypriot leader who was exiled out of the UK previously in 1956 on the basis of his struggle for Cypriot independence from the British rule, wanted in November 1963 to amend the basic articles of the 1960 constitution, communal violence ensued and Turkey, Great Britain and Greece, the guarantors of the agreements which had led to Cyprus’ independence, wanted to send a NATO force to the island under the command of General Young. Due to the continued ethnic violence between the Cypriot Turks and Cypriot Greeks, President Gürsel ordered warning flights and subsequent continuous air assaults by the Turkish Air Force against the island which continued between 7 and 10 August 1964, ending with the fulfilment of the military objectives of Turkey, and the invitation to calm by Nikita Khrushchev of USSR. Cemal Gürsel reformed the “Teskilat-i Mahsusa”, the “Special Organization” of clandestine security services to a modern National Intelligence Agency in response to and preparation against escalating international terrorism trends in 1963. He paved the way to Middle Eastern countries and Pakistan to concentrate on economic and cultural matters of mutual interest and Ankara recognized Syria following the breakup of the short-lived United Arab Republic in 1961, further reestablishing diplomatic relations with Egypt in 1965. In July 1964, Pakistani President Ayub Khan, Turkish President Cemal Gürsel, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran announced in Istanbul the establishment of the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) organization to promote transportation and joint economic projects also envisioning Afghanistan and possibly Indonesia joining at some time in the future. He granted asylum to the political dissidents Ayatollah Khoumeini of Iran and Molla Barzani of Iraq. Gürsel, 40 years after the foundation of the Republic, launched the first radio broadcasting station of Eastern Anatolia within the centrally located province of Erzurum, where Ankara and Istanbul radios’ transmissions were not received. He brought the Microwave Telecommunications Network into operation increasing telephone and teletype capacity along with a High-Frequency Radio Link connecting London and Ankara with Rawalpindi, Karachi, Tehran and Istanbul. He laid the foundations of the new agricultural and structural development plans for the south-eastern Anatolian regions in early 1960s for the first time. With his directive, The Holy Relics from the Prophets Abraham, Moses, Joseph, David and Muhammad, including the oldest Qur’an in existence from the 7th Century were put on display from their storage rooms within the Topkapi Palace for public viewing for the first time on 31 August 1962. Gürsel added the first Ministry of Culture and Tourism to the cabinet. In a parallel effort of promoting the country’s touristic popularity in the West, Topkapi, the movie version of the book by Eric Ambler that had been commissioned for the same purpose, was shot in Paris and Istanbul and was introduced with success. Similarly, one of the favorite books of John F. Kennedy, Ian Fleming’s From Russia with Love was shot in Istanbul as the second James Bond movie, to promote the touristic popularity of Turkey, with his keen interest. The Directorate of Religious Affairs network of the country was founded with his directive and became operational on 22 June 1965. He started the new procedure of returning the law proposals presented for the President’s approval back to the Parliamentary re-discussions in 1963. Cemal Gürsel founded The National Security Council (MGK) as well as the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) in 1963, appointing Professor Cahit Arf as its first director, officially charging TUBITAK primarily with governmental advisory duty by legislation. In addition to the foundation of the Turkish Radio and Television (TRT) organization as a government agency in 1964 that brought television broadcasting to Turkey for the first time under his administration, the opening of The School of Press and Broadcasting at the College of Political Sciences in Ankara followed in November 1965. The country’s new initiative of Planning of Population Growth Control was put in effect in 1965. The production of the first domestic Turkish automobile, the Devrim (Revolution), took place with Cemal Gürsel’s directive which sparked the initiation of an automotive industry in the republic in the following few years. The first use of a computer in the country, iron and steel mass production growth, the thermic power plant and a petrol pipeline structuring took place during his presidency. Cemal Gürsel refused remuneration for his Head of State and subsequent Presidential positions and made his and his family’s living with his retired general’s salary, meeting their own expenses during their life in the Presidential Palace in Çankaya, Ankara. Because of a paralysis that started in early 1961 and progressed quickly in 1966, on 2 February Cemal Gürsel was flown to the Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, D. On the private airplane “BlueBird” sent by US President Lyndon B. One week later, he fell into a coma there after suffering a series of new paralytic strokes. The government decided he return to Turkey on 24 March. President Johnson travelled by helicopter from the White House to Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland, near Washington, D. To pay his respects to President Cemal Gürsel on his departure to home, In addition to issuing the following statement’Our distinguished friend, President Cemal Gursel of Turkey, came to the United States on 2 February for medical treatment. There was hope that new therapeutic procedures only recently developed in this country would be useful in treating his illness of several years. We were initially encouraged by his progress at Walter Reed Hospital, only to be shocked by the news on 8 February that his health had suffered a grave new blow. Our best talent, coupled with the skill of the eminent Turkish doctors who accompanied the President, was exerted to the utmost in the hope that the President might return to his home in fully restored health. We are saddened that this hope was not to be realized. We have been deeply honored to have President Gürsel come to our country to seek medical treatment. With a report of a medical committee by Gülhane Military Hospital in Ankara, the parliament ruled on 28 March 1966 that his presidency be terminated due to ill health in accordance with the constitution. He left behind no directives or last will. He was laid to rest at the “Freedom Martyrs Memorial” section in the yard of the mausoleum of Atatürk. His body was transferred on 27 August 1988 to a permanent burial place in the newly built Turkish State Cemetery. Among all of his achievements and great modesty in his down-to-earth plain demeanor, he tried to place the most emphasis on the need for a well-educated youth and a hard-working population with high standards of ethics for a westernized democratic progress in Atatürk’s tradition (commentary by Imran Oktem, Chief Supreme Court Justice – Yargitay, 1966). His portrait as a statesman and soldier remained next to Atatürk’s in most homes in Turkey for a long time. Erzurum Cemal Gürsel Stadium, some schools and streets were named after him. The developments during his term were described as the “Turkish Revolution” which was celebrated annually on 27 May as the Constitution Day until 1981. In 2002, a commemorative coin was released for the same. In 2008, the movie The Cars of Revolution was released in his memory. I took over the administration of the state to stop the tragic course of events. (Cemal Gürsel, radio address on the evening of 27 May 1960). The network was ready. I personally did not want the army to intervene and had been stopping the attempts (of takeover) of my younger friends. Now my only goal is to reinstate an administration built on the principles of justice and ethics. Cemal Gürsel, An interview. Cumhuriyet, 16 July 1960. Those who follow Atatürk will not be left behind. (Cemal Gürsel, from the address on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Atatürk’s death, 10 November 1963). General Gursel may be described as the father of the second Turkish Republic similar to Atatürk being the father of modern Turkey. At a time of deep division, Gursel earned and maintained the respect of the Turkish Nation that regarded him as the symbol of national unity. When he passed away, he had the identity of the trusted father of the nation. Bernard Lewis, 15 September 1966. A few days before the coup, it was known that the coup was imminent but General Cemal Gursel was dismissed as a non-political general. No leading role by General Cemal Gursel was determined despite the foreknowledge of the plot. The CIA; The Inside Story by Andrew Tully, pages 51, 53. On 27 May, he (Cemal Gursel) was hurriedly requested to come (from his residence in Izmir) to the capital (Ankara) to assume the leadership of National Unity Committee. The Turkish Revolution, Aspects of Military politics. The Brookings Institution, 1963. When 27 May revolt occurred, Cemal Gürsel was not a participant. He was invited to become the head due to the circumstances and he willingly accepted. (Burhan Felek, Milliyet, Page 2, 18 September 1971). General Gürsel was brought into the NUC chairmanship by the revolution team when he was in retirement preparation. In actuality he was in the position of a chairman found in last minute with a hurried search. He never was the responsible leader for a true leader is not to be appointed but is self-appointed. (By a leading member of the NUC). One of the core players of the coup, Orhan Erkanli told that they revolted on 27 May without knowing what to do on 28 May. No one, including Cemal Gürsel knew who and how many would be forming the NUC. In actuality, even Cemal Gürsel was brought in later. Years of Ismet Pasha of our Democracy, 1960-61 by Metin Toker, page 25. It is now known that the coup was the result of years of planning on the part of conspirators, a number of radical colonels and ranks below in their early forties. He (Cemal Gürsel) was not involved in the details of the organization of the coup d’état. When the coup had succeeded, he was brought to Ankara. Turkey, A modern History by Erik Zurcher. We just see that a few very important lines in his letter (to the Minister of Defence) had been censored. That means we are going without learning the true history, without knowing who knows what facts and what true pictures of turning points. (Çetin Altan, Author, Journalist, September 2006). An extremely important document that sheds light on the past has been revealed. Testimony from eyewitnesses at the time helped make known that the letter had been modified after 27 May, but the location of the original letter was unknown. This important document adds a new dimension to the 27 May revolution. We have come face to face with a new document that changes our written history. It was my greatest wish to obtain just such a document; not for my own satisfaction, but for my father, to prove this reality and obtain genuine evidence. I was thrilled when I heard about this. (Mr Aydin Menderes, Author, the Son of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, September 2006). Adnan Menderes was hung against the regulations. The revolution tribunal’s chief prosecutor Altay Egesel conducted the execution despite not being authorized. Ismet Inönü and Cemal Gürsel were already phoning for him (Adnan Menderes) not to be executed but the telecommunications’ office cut off the lines and Egesel made use of the (communication) gap to conduct the execution. Mehmet Feyyat, District Attorney General, Istanbul Province Prosecutor General 1961, The Administrator of the Imrali Prison, The Lawyer of the Year, Senator. (Reported by Özkan GÜVEN, STAR Newspaper, 13 November 2006 with a summary in Turkish at Law in the Capitol). Where are we now and where are the nations such as Portugal, Greece and Spain with whom we departed for the competition of development in 1960s? In one word, an embarrassment. (Hasan Cemal, Milliyet, October 2006). We built an automobile with the mentality of the West and we forgot to put gasoline in it with the mentality of the East. (Cemal Gürsel, President, on the Anniversary of the Turkish Republic, 29 October 1963). 1962 attempted coup in Turkey. “Çankaya’nin First Lady’leri”. Retrieved 14 February 2019. “Transport of Cemal Gürsel’s body to the State Cemetery” (in Turkish). Press Agency of the Turkish Government website. Retrieved 12 November 2006. Song of The Pharaohs – The Kings of the East and the West. Analysis of political scene on 26 May 1960, research article (in Turkish). General Gursel hosting HM Queen Elizabeth’s first visit to Turkey, Ankara, 1961[permanent dead link]. The full translated text of Cemal Gursel’s letter The research copy of the Turkish original. Cemal Gursel’s Memorandum Revealed. His video and photographs at the President’s Web Page. Cemal Gursel with Vice President Lyndon Johnson in Ankara, 1962 (Anatolian Agency Album). 60’s video montage. Presidential Messages search Cemal Gursel. Text of Ankara Agreement. The movie “The Cars of Revolution”. His photos in LIFE Magazine[permanent dead link]. Video footage of massacres and offensives against Turkish Community. Cable from US Embassy reflecting collective efforts of Cemal Gursel, Ismet Inonu and his entire cabinet and Gen Cevdet Sunay to stop executions. Commander of the Third Army. Commander of the Turkish Army. Minister of National Defense. Prime Minister of Turkey. The 1962 attempted coup in Turkey (also known as the February 22 Incident) was led by the Commander of the Turkish Military Academy, Staff Colonel tr:Talat Aydemir and his associates, who were opposed to the democratically elected government in Turkey. [1][2][3] Despite taking control of much of Ankara, the coup leaders quickly realised they could not prevail and surrendered without any loss of life occurring. Talat Aydemir went on to lead a further coup attempt in 1963. The Armed Forces Union. June – July 1961. January – February 1962. False alarm, 20 February 1962. Nevertheless there were groups of junior officers who felt that the direction taken by the MBK was wrong, particularly after it had dismissed “the fourteen” hardline coup supporters on 13 November 1960. Following the dismissal of the fourteen hardliners, the High Command continued to steadily remove officers whom it regarded as unreliable, and to make new appointments of those who would not oppose the return to democracy. While the process of handing over power from the army to the civilian authorities was underway, there were several indications of growing dissent. [7][8] One was the creation of the Armed Forces Union (Turkish: Silahli Kuvvetler Birligi) late in 1960 as a voice for officers pressing for a more radical policy. Its membership and aims were unclear and its existence at the time was little known outside the armed forces themselves. [5]:139[9][6]. Tension between the MBK and the Armed Forces Union first became public in June 1961, when airforce commander Irfan Tansel was removed from his military post and sent to Washington DC as an adviser to Turkey’s military mission. There were rumours of a number of other dismissals and appointments, and Talat Aydemir was one of a group of officers who met in Ankara to agree a six-point protocol which they sent to the General Staff, demanding the reinstatement of Tansel, the cancellation of other dismissals and promotions, and no future interference from the MBK in military appointments. [9] A squadron of jet fighters flew over Ankara to emphasise the seriousness of the Armed Forces Union’s intentions. Faced with this show of determination, the MBK agreed to the demands of the Armed Forces Union, but decided to also to issue a statement, through the General Staff, to all members of the armed forces. This statement, issued on 28 June 1961, offered assurances that the planned civilian regime would not be able to take action against the coup leaders of 1960, and that the sentences of the Yassiada trials would be carried out promptly. In July, the junior officers’ concerns were increased when, in the referendum, the new military-approved constitution was only approved by 61.7% of voters. [12] Following this, on 25 August 1961 members of the Armed Forces Union were required to swear an oath to support the work of the MBK. Prime Minister Ismet Inönü (1964). In the October 1961 elections the Republican People’s Party failed to win an outright majority and incoming prime minister Ismet Inönü was obliged to form a coalition government with the newly formed Justice Party, which effectively reconstituted the Democrat Party that had been removed from power by the 1960 coup. [13] Overall, the majority of votes had gone to parties that claimed to be successors of the Democrats. The general election result prompted Talat Aydemir and his associates to begin mobilising their supporters to use force to prevent the return to civilian rule. [14][15]:178 On 21 October 1961 a large meeting was held at the Turkish Military Academy in Istanbul, following which 10 Generals and 28 Colonels signed what became known as the October Protocol. [9][6] According to this protocol, the military was to intervene before the newly elected Grand National Assembly of Turkey was convened – no later than 25 October 1961. However, those who signed it had no means of implementing it without the active support of senior officers. Instead of supporting the junior officers, the army High Command intervened to oblige the leaders of the four largest parties to sign the Çankaya Protocol, guaranteeing the continuation of the reforms instituted after the coup, granting immunity to those who had led it, and agreeing not to stand any candidates for the presidency against Cemal Gürsel. [6][17][18]:62 The junior officers were unable to do anything to prevent the recently-elected coalition government from taking power. Once the civilian government was installed, the concerns of Aydemir and his colleagues seemed well-founded. Politicians who had been removed from office by the 1960 coup were preparing to make a rapid return to public life: the newly formed Justice Party began examining possible grounds for the pardon of those still held in detention after the Yassiada trials. A particular flashpoint was the funeral of the Democrat Party’s Minister of National Education, Tevfik Ileri which saw young people protesting against the coup for the first time and demanding the release of political prisoners. A grouping of military officers known as the “Extended Command Council” (Turkish: Genisletilmis Komuta Konseyi) met at the General Staff Headquarters on 19 January 1962 to discuss a proposal from Chief of the General Staff Cevdet Sunay that they should abandon any thought of staging a military intervention and instead rally behind the government of Ismet Inönü. The Generals and Commanders at that meeting supported Sunay’s proposal but Talat Aydemir and the Colonels who attended stated that they did not agree and that a military intervention was necessary. However, without the support of the Generals, especially the Chief of the General Staff, they would have been acting outside the chain of command if they tried to move on their own. Prime Minister Inönü decided to try and defuse the tensions within the army by visiting military units in Istanbul and Ankara. He first visited the 66th Division Command and the War Academies in Istanbul. At the units he went to, he advised the officers to remain calm and patient, making clear that he did not support any action by them. [19] This undermined the plans of those officers who believed that they should seize power in order to offer him their support. On February 5, 1962, he went to visit the Military Academy in Ankara, and no one received him other than the commanders and the inspection unit. On 9 February Lieutenant General tr:Refik Tulga convened a meeting in Balmumcu, Istanbul, that was attended by 59 officers. Thirty seven of those attending, including Talat Aydemir, agreed on the need to carry out a military intervention before 28 February. [6][19][21] Cevdet Sunay however refused to support overthrowing the government as long as Inönü, Atatürk’s deputy, remained prime minister. Instead, Sunay alerted Inönü to what Talat Aydemir and the other junior officers were planning. On February 18, 1962, Sunay also summoned the Corps Commanders of the 1st Army, the Governor of Istanbul, Lieutenant General Refik Tulga, the Commander of the War Academies Brigadier General tr:Faruk Güventürk and the Commander of the War Fleet to Ankara. These generals had previously met with Talat Aydemir and other radical colonels, and made clear that they would not agree to support a new coup. On February 19, 1962, Sunay also summoned Talat Aydemir, Necati Ünsalan and Selçuk Atakan to the General Staff Headquarters. Air Force Commander Irfan Tansel, Land Forces Commander Muhittin Önür and Gendarmerie General Commander Abdurrahman Doruk Pasha were waiting for them here, but they were still unable to persuade the colonels to give up their plans. [9] There now seemed no alternative but for the government and the High Command to take action against them. Rumours began to spread through the army that Talat Aydemir and his associates were going to stage their coup on the night of February 20-21. In response, officers in the Etimesgut Armored Units School First Armoured Division Tank Battalion placed their troops on alert. Likewise, sections of the 229th Infantry Regiment and the Guard Regiment also prepared to join the coup. By the following morning it was clear that the rumour was unfounded. Cevdet Sunay was enraged when he heard what had happened the previous night. He summoned Talat Aydemir and two other officers to General Staff Headquarters and advised them that they would immediately be transferred to new posts away from the capital, although Aydemir denied any wrongdoing or involvement in the previous night’s events. At a meeting of the General Staff later on February 21, and orders were given for the transfer of officers causing unrest to units in the East. The list of names included including Selçuk Atakan, Emin Arat, Ihsan Erkan, Haldun Doran and Sükrü Ilkin (commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment) as well as Talat Aydemir[20][22]. When Aydemir learned that the transfer order had been issued, he gathered about 600 recent graduates of the Military Academy and made a speech to them at 3pm, explaining the events of recent days. In his speech, Aydemir said. The 1960 coup failed to reach its goal. Parliament is not working. The army is being criticised. Now commanders are sent East to break up the forces at the ready. Our plans are ready, the army is with us. Our password is’Halaskar’ and our sign is’Fedailer’… If this action does not succeed, I will commit suicide. [13][4][19]. The expressions chosen as passwords and signs alluded to Enver Pasha and the 1913 Ottoman coup d’état that took place outside the chain of command. The graduates agreed to support him and prepared to fight. The units that had responded to the false rumour on 19th February did not join in this time, as they had new officers in command. Nevertheless Aydemir sent tanks from Military Academy towards the Turkish Grand National Assembly. The government placed anti-tank guns around the building. Soldiers from the barracks in Polatli and Çubuk were called in to help break the siege, but all of the battalions called to suppress the coup sided with Talat Aydemir and declared their loyalty to him. On the morning of 22 February the battalion guarding the parliament building went over to the rebels units loyal to Aydemir were effectively in control of central Ankara, including the radio station. [21] Critically however, the Air Force remained loyal to the government, and this was to prove decisive. With unchallenged air superiority, Ismet Inönü’s government made preparations to bomb the Army War College with jets from the Murted airbase. Aydemir and his colleagues announced their aims as the dissolution of the Grand National Assembly, the resignation of the government and the passing of the administration to them through the suspension of the Constitution. At noon on February 22 Cihat Alpan was appointed to replace Sükrü Ilkin as commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment protecting the Çankaya Mansion. However, the cavalry group of the Guard Regiment under Major Fethi Gürcan detained Alpan and then found itself in control of President Cemal Gürsel, Prime Minister Inönü and several other ministers, Chief of General Staff Sunay and the force commanders, who were meeting inside the mansion at that time. [4] [23] Gürcan contacted Talat Aydemir and asked permission to arrest them all. Aydemir refused because he did not want his action to be seen as a coup, so he ordered Gürcan to release them all. [4] As he left the mansion, Inönü smiled and said Now they have lost. As soon as he left the Çankaya mansion, Inönü headed for the Airforce Command Building, where he met other party leaders as well as the Airforce commanders. The government’s plan was now for President Gürsel and Prime Minister Inönü to make conciliatory speeches over the radio to try and de-escalate the situation. Mediation was established through Ekrem Alican, the leader of the New Turkey Party and a relative of Talat Aydemir, but this made little progress. Cemal Gürsel departed for Murted air base. When Fethi Gürcan seized the radio’s transmitting station in Etimesgut with his troops, Inönü’s broadcasts stopped, but he was able to resume his addresses through the transmitter at Ankara Esenboga Airport a few hours later. In his messages, Inönü stressed that providing no blood was shed, Aydemir and the other soldiers supporting the coup would not be punished. He refused however to consider any of the demands the coup leaders had made. It became clear to Aydemir that no further units were intending to join him, that his forces were surrounded, and that the government, political parties and High Command were steadily regaining the upper hand. He ordered the tanks in central Ankara to withdraw. [21] On the evening of 22 February, the jets of the Air Force began to fly low over the Military Academy. At 1am in the morning of 23 February, Inönü sent Aydemir a written note confirming that there would be no punishments if he and his followers gave up. Shortly afterwards Aydemir called on his followers to lay down their arms and return to barracks while he himself surrendered. When Inönü entered the Grand National Assembly on February 23, he was given an unprecedented standing ovation from deputies of all parties, who expressed their gratitude and confidence in the armed forces. The students of the Military Academy were given a week’s early leave and the school was temporarily closed and Semih Sancar was appointed to head it in place of Talat Aydemir. Aydemir, Emin Arat, Dündar Seyhan and Turgut Alpagut were kept under guard for a while, but there were no arrests. Fourteen officers were transferred while Aydemir and 22 others were retired from the army. [14] Aydemir was arrested not for the attempted coup but for insulting Ismet Inönü and as detained in prison for just 9 days. [13] Inönü’s conciliatory approach avoided holding a number of trials that would have caused discord and embarrassment to a government working to restore calm and order following the return to civilian rule. Indeed, on 22 April Inönü managed to persuade the Turkish Grand National Assembly to pass an amnesty law that allowed them to return to the ranks. [24] There was a political cost – in return for agreeing to amnesty the coup officers, the Justice Party demanded the early release of Democrat Party prisoners held in Kayseri prison since the 1960 coup. In fact the attempted coup, the pardon debates and the ensuing the party conflicts overwhelmed Inönü, who resigned on 30 May 1962. Talat Aydemir continued to oppose the return to civilian rule and gave many interviews sharing his views in the months after his release. On May 20, 1963 he led a second attempted coup, and after this he was arrested, sentenced to death and executed. Gursel’s father was an officer of the Ottoman army so after the middle school he was graduated from Kuleli military highschool in Istanbul. He was even captured as a prisoner of war by the British for two years during a campaign in Palestine. He served in the army a total of 45 years. In 1958 Cemal Gursel became the commander of Turkish ground forces as a four-star general. Due to a memorandum he sent to the Minister of Defence, expressing his views on Adnan Menderes who, according to Gursel, should become the next president, he was suspended from his post and forced for an early retirement. But, since he was a popular army figure, he was chosen as the leader of a military coup on 27th of May 1960 run by young army officers, which overthrew the government of Adnan Menderes. After the military court on Yassiada island, Gursel tried to stop the execution of Menderes on Imrali island, but no avail. Cemal Gürsel resisted attempts to continue military rule. He was elected as the fourth President of the Republic in 1961 and played an important role in the preparation of a new Constitution and return back to the democracy after the coup. Because of his illness which progressed quickly and took him into a coma, his presidency was terminated by the Parliament, and then he was succeeded by Cevdet Sunay on March of 1966. Cemal Gursel died of apoplexy on September 14th of the same year, in Ankara. He’s now buried at the Turkish State Cemetery. Cemal Gürsel was a Turkish army officer, and the fourth President of Turkey. Cemal Gürsel was born on October 13, 1895 in Erzurum, Turkey. After the elementary school in Ordu and the military middle school in Erzincan, Cemal Gürsel graduated from the Kuleli military high school in Istanbul. He attended the Turkish Military College and graduated in 1929 as a staff officer. Cemal Gürsel served in the Army for 45 years. Cemal Gürsel was kept as a prisoner of war in Egypt until 6 October 1920. Cemal Gürsel was promoted colonel in 1940. The day after the coup, four-star general Cemal Gürsel was declared the commander in chief, Head of state, Prime minister and Minister of Defense of the 24th government on 30 May 1960. Cemal Gürsel freed 200 students and nine newsmen, and licensed 14 banned newspapers to start publishing again. He fetched ten law professors, a law postgraduate student as their assistant, from Istanbul and Ankara Universities to help draft a new constitution on 27 May, right after he arrived in Ankara. Cemal Gürsel hosted the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to Ankara in early 1961 and the visit of the vice president Lyndon Johnson in 1962. President Johnson went by helicopter from the White House to Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland, near Washington, D. To pay his respects to President Cemal Gürsel on his departure to home. In addition to issuing the following statement Our distinguished friend, President Cemal Gursel of Turkey, came to the United States on 2 February for medical treatment. A simple and conservative sort, Cemal Gürsel became Turkey’s most popular figure, forbade display of his picture alongside Atatürk’s in government offices, rode about in an open Jeep touring rural communities, talking to the peasants almost as if they were his children. He was successful with his personal interventions in reducing the number of execution verdicts from the Yassiada tribunals from 15 down to three. Cemal Gürsel promoted the grant of the freedom of and the legal rights to form unions and to go on strike in the country. Cemal Gürsel initiated the new era of planned economy in Turkey, formed a State Institute of Statistics, launched the State Planning Organization (DPT) that implemented “The First 5-Years Development Plan”, arranged re-entry of the Turkish Republic in the United Nations Security Council in 1961 and moved Turkey, through his close and personal diplomatic dialogues with Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, into the direction of European Union membership with the Ankara Agreement, signed with France, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Luxembourg in 1963, resulting in associate membership the following year and a large Turkish workforce migration to Germany and Western Europe to assist their postwar industrial development. Cemal Gürsel, 40 years after the foundation of the Republic, launched the first radio broadcasting station of Eastern Anatolia within the centrally located province of Erzurum, where Ankara and Istanbul radios’ transmissions were not received. Cemal Gürsel added the first Ministry of Culture and Tourism to the cabinet. Quotations: I took over the administration of the state to stop the tragic course of events. Cemal Gürsel, as an easy-going and fatherly figure with a fine sense of humor, was well liked both nationally and in NATO circles, and had earned the respect and confidence of both the nation and the armed forces with his professional knowledge and demeanor. Quotes from others about the person. Professor Bernard Lewis: General Gursel may be described as the father of the second Turkish Republic similar to Atatürk being the father of modern Turkey. Cemal Gürsel was married, in 1927, to Melahat, the daughter of the chief engineer on the Ottoman cruiser Hamidiye. Cemal Gürsel was born in Erzurum in 1895. After receiving primary education in Ordu, he continued his education as a military student in Erzincan and Istanbul. Cemal Bey who participated in the Çanakkale (Dardanelles) Battle between 1915 and 1917 as an Artillery Officer also took part on the Syrian and Palestinian fronts of the World War I. He fought in all the Western fronts of the War of Independence. After graduating from the Military Academy in 1929, he was appointed as the Commander of the Land Forces in 1958. He resigned from the military on 3 May 1960 and left for Izmir. Immediately after the military coup on 27 May 1960, he headed the National Unity Committee that was formed by the military. After the execution of the former Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and two of his ministers in the aftermath of the military coup, he played an important role in the formation of the new Constitution and transition to democracy again. In accordance with the Constitution that was approved in a referendum, he was elected as the fourth President of Turkey by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) that was formed in the 10 October 1961 elections. Due to the deterioration in his health conditions in 1966, his Presidency was terminated by the TBMM in accordance with the Constitution. Cemal Gürsel who got married to Melahat Hanim in 1927 and had a child with her died on 14 September 1966. Military man, statesman, 4th president of Republic of Turkey. June 10th, 1895, Erzurum – D. September 14th, 1966, Ankara. The son of a military family, he studied the primary school in Ordu. After completing the secondary school in Erzincan; he studied at Istanbul Kuleli Military High School. During his senior year, the 1st World War began. Because of the war, his education was interrupted on October 16th, 1914 and he started to serve in 4th Army Command as lieutenant. He fought in the Battle of Dardanelles between 1915 and 1917 as the artillery officer. He was on the battles on the Palestine and Syrian fronts. He participated in almost all the battles on the Western Front during the Independence War. He got promotion and became the captain on 1st September 1922. He entered War Academy on 1st October 1926 and graduated as a staff officer in 1929. In 1927, he married Melahat Hanim and they had one son, Muzaffer. Starting from 1946, he was promoted to the Brigadier General and undertook commands of divisions, corps and the army. In 1958, he was promoted to the rank of General and became the Commander of the Land Forces. Before the May 27th 1960 Revolution; while he was still a Commander of the Land Forces; he visited Ethem Menderes, who was the Minister of Defense on 2nd May 1960. During his visit, he reflected his personal views to the Minister of Defense, accordingly to the government, expressing his support to the Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and a letter reflecting his belief that the Prime Minister should replace the President. This resulted in his suspension from his post, forcing an early retirement on 3rd May 1960. A farewell letter by him, advocating and urging the army to stay out of politics, was forwarded to all units of the armed forces at the time of his departure on leave for Izmir. After the coup d’état on 27 May 1960, which was organized and conducted by army officers at the rank of colonels and below, Cemal Gürsel, was chosen as the chairman of the military coup and by the National Unity Committee. During his position, he survived an assassination attempt, but he was wounded. He and other 13 members of the National Unity Committee, including Türkes, were sent to abroad for an official duty. While he was the chairman of National Unity Committee, he launched the Erzurum Radio. Gürsel directed the retired general Ragip Gümüspala to bring the Demokrat Party members together to form the Adalet Party. By virtue of the 1961 Constitution, which was prepared by the Constituent Assembly and presented for a referendum held on 10th October 1961, he was nominated and gained the majority of the votes at Turkish Grand National Assembly to be the fourth president of Turkey on 21st October 1961. He initiated the new era of planned economy in Turkey and formed a State Institute of Statistics, launched the State Planning Organization. He promoted the legal rights to form unions, to go on strike in the country and to enact the law of collective bargaining. The establishment of National Security Council (MIT), the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, the School of Press and Broadcasting were established during his presidency. He also paved the way for the planning to develop the Southeastern Turkey, the formation of Turkish Radio and Television Association (TRT) (1964), the first use of a computer in the country, the establishment of the first State Research Library, as well as the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) along with many other “firsts”. The production of the first domestic Turkish automobile, “Devrim” T. Revolution, took place with Cemal Gürsel’s directive. Because of a disease that started in 1966, Cemal Gürsel was sent abroad. In accordance with the Constitution, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey ruled that his presidency be terminated due to his ill health on 28th March 1966. When he died, he was laid to rest at the “Freedom Martyrs Memorial” section in the yard of the Atatürk’s mausoleum. His body was later transferred to the Turkish State Cemetery. Excelling in the battles of the Final Offensive, he was awarded the Medal of Independence. A documentary film was made about him by because of the manufacture of the “Devrim” automobile. On 27 May 1960, General Cemal Gürsel led a coup d’etat that removed President Celal Bayar, prime minister Adnan Menderes, and his cabinet from power and dissolved the parliament. Several members of the Menderes government were charged with various crimes ranging from misuse of public funds to abrogation of the Constitution and high treason. Arraigned before a joint civilian – military tribunal, a number of those charged were sentenced to prison terms and former Premier Menderes was executed along with two other ministers. The 1960 coup occurred against a backdrop of escalating tension between the government and opposition that threatened to erupt into civil war. First elected in 1950, Menderes built on the liberalization measures that followed Atatürk’s death in 1938, including a relaxation of laws that restricted the role of minorities and Islam. Confronted with strong Kemalist opposition, the government repeatedly passed legislation designed to restrict freedom of the press to print material “designed to damage the political or financial prestige of the state” or “belittling persons holding official positions”. By 1959, growing hostilities between government and opposition supporters fuelled by a polarization of public opinion led to violent clashes. In April 1960, a series of large-scale student demonstrations paralyzed university campuses and led to bloody confrontations with police forces. The imposition of martial law in Istanbul and Ankara on 1st of May and the confinement of demonstrators in detention camps failed to restore civil order. Although public unrest had been growing over the previous year, the trigger for the coup appears to have been the 1st of May decision to use the armed forces in an effort to regain control of the situation. While some senior officers supported the government, Istanbul’s martial law commander announced that his troops were authorized to fire on “even the smallest public assembly” – others were not united behind this policy. One week after the declaration of martial law, the commander of land forces, General Gürsel, was placed on a compulsory leave of absence. In his farewell message, Gürsel urged his troops to steel themselves against the greedy political atmosphere now blowing through the country. Such sentiments were clearly shared by others as well. Former President and Atatürk’s colleague, Ismet Inönü, warned that “an oppressive regime can never be sure of the army”. In a 27 May broadcast, Cemal Gürsel rejected dictatorship and announced that the government had been overthrown to help establish an honest and just democratic order and to give over the administration of the state into the hands of the nation. In a press conference on 28 May, Gürsel emphasized that the purpose and the aim of the coup is to bring the country with all speed to a fair, clean and solid democracy… I want to transfer power and the administration of the nation to the free choice of the people. That same day, the military-dominated cabinet issued a policy statement promising respect for human rights and the abolition of all laws contrary to the Kemalist tradition. The military dominated the political scene until October 1965. During that time, a series of conservative coalition government led by former President Inönü held office. When free elections were once again permitted, Süleyman Demirel led his Justice Party (Adalet Parti – AP) to victory. Demirel remained in office until the Turkish military forced his resignation in March 1971. This item is in the category “Collectibles\Autographs\Historical”. The seller is “memorabilia111″ and is located in this country: US. This item can be shipped to United States, New Zealand, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Wallis and Futuna, Gambia, Malaysia, Taiwan, Poland, Oman, Suriname, United Arab Emirates, Kenya, Argentina, Guinea-Bissau, Armenia, Uzbekistan, Bhutan, Senegal, Togo, Ireland, Qatar, Burundi, Netherlands, Slovakia, Slovenia, Equatorial Guinea, Thailand, Aruba, Sweden, Iceland, Macedonia, Belgium, Israel, Liechtenstein, Kuwait, Benin, Algeria, Antigua and Barbuda, Swaziland, Italy, Tanzania, Pakistan, Burkina Faso, Panama, Singapore, Kyrgyzstan, Switzerland, Djibouti, Chile, China, Mali, Botswana, Republic of Croatia, Cambodia, Indonesia, Portugal, Tajikistan, Vietnam, Malta, Cayman Islands, Paraguay, Saint Helena, Cyprus, Seychelles, Rwanda, Bangladesh, Australia, Austria, Sri Lanka, Gabon Republic, Zimbabwe, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Norway, Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast), Kiribati, Turkmenistan, Grenada, Greece, Haiti, Greenland, Afghanistan, Montenegro, Mongolia, Nepal, Bahamas, Bahrain, United Kingdom, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary, Angola, Western Samoa, France, Mozambique, Namibia, Peru, Denmark, Guatemala, Solomon Islands, Vatican City State, Sierra Leone, Nauru, Anguilla, El Salvador, Dominican Republic, Cameroon, Guyana, Azerbaijan Republic, Macau, Georgia, Tonga, San Marino, Eritrea, Saint Kitts-Nevis, Morocco, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Mauritania, Belize, Philippines, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Republic of the Congo, Colombia, Spain, Estonia, Bermuda, Montserrat, Zambia, South Korea, Vanuatu, Ecuador, Albania, Ethiopia, Monaco, Niger, Laos, Ghana, Cape Verde Islands, Moldova, Madagascar, Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Lebanon, Liberia, Bolivia, Maldives, Gibraltar, Hong Kong, Central African Republic, Lesotho, Nigeria, Mauritius, Saint Lucia, Jordan, Guinea, Canada, Turks and Caicos Islands, Chad, Andorra, Romania, Costa Rica, India, Mexico, Serbia, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Japan, Lithuania, Trinidad and Tobago, Malawi, Nicaragua, Finland, Tunisia, Uganda, Luxembourg, Turkey, Germany, Egypt, Latvia, Jamaica, South Africa, Brunei Darussalam, Honduras.
  • Country/Region of Manufacture: Turkey
  • Industry: Historical
  • Original/Reproduction: Original
  • Signed: Yes

AUTOGRAPH TURKEY RARE PRESIDENT Cemal Gürsel COUP SIGNED CARD ORIGINAL VINTAGE

Autograph Laurence Olivier English Actor signed photo

autograph
Autograph Laurence Olivier English Actor signed photo
Autograph Laurence Olivier English Actor signed photo
Autograph Laurence Olivier English Actor signed photo

Autograph Laurence Olivier English Actor signed photo
Autograph Eglish Actor Laurence Olivier signed photo. This item is in the category “Collectibles\Autographs\Movies”. The seller is “mikefilo” and is located in this country: US. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Industry: Movies
  • Signed by: Laurence Olivier
  • Signed: Yes
  • Original/Reproduction: Original
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Autograph Laurence Olivier English Actor signed photo

Autograph Founder Jewish Art Theater Jacob Ben Ami Signed Gelatin Silver Print

autograph
Autograph Founder Jewish Art Theater Jacob Ben Ami Signed Gelatin Silver Print
Autograph Founder Jewish Art Theater Jacob Ben Ami Signed Gelatin Silver Print

Autograph Founder Jewish Art Theater Jacob Ben Ami Signed Gelatin Silver Print
A VINTAGE ORIGINAL 8X10 INCH SIGNED GELATIN SILVER PRINT PHOTO BY JACOB BEN-AMI FROM’HE WHO GETS SLAPPED. Jacob Ben-Ami, a founder of the Jewish Art Theater who achieved critical acclaim on both the Yiddish and English-speaking stages, died yesterday at Lenox Hill Hospital after a short illness. He was 86 years old and lived alone at 50 West 97th Street. He Who Gets Slapped Russian:??? Is a play in four acts by Russian dramatist Leonid Andreyev; completed in August 1915 and first produced in that same year at the Moscow Art Theatre on October 27, 1915. Immensely popular with Russian audiences, the work received numerous stagings throughout the Russian speaking world in the two decades after its premiere, and then later enjoyed a resurgence of popularity in the 1970s and 1980s in Russian theaters. The work is still part of the dramatic repertory in Russian speaking countries. While well-liked by the public, critical reaction to the work was initially negative in Russia. It was later reevaluated as a masterwork of Russian drama, and is regarded as Andreyev’s finest achievement among his 25 plays. The play is representative of Andreyev’s “pansyche theatre” in which the plot focuses on developing the internal, psychological and intellectual aspects of characters over external action. Set inside a circus within a French city, the play’s main character is a mysterious 39-year-old stranger (referred to as “He”) whose name is never revealed to the audience. “He” is fleeing a failed marriage and joins the circus as a clown. “He” falls in love with the horseback rider Consuelo, the daughter of Count Mancini. The Count pushes Consuelo into marrying Baron Renyard for financial gain. “He” poisons Consuelo, Baron Renyard commits suicide in despair, and then “He” drinks the poison himself at the end. On the international stage, the play became Andreyev’s most successful in the United States, being popular with both audiences and critics when it was staged on Broadway at the Garrick Theatre in 1922 in a production mounted by the Theatre Guild. That production used an English language translation of the original Russian by the psychoanalyst Gregory Zilboorg which was first published in 1921. The play has been staged in multiple languages internationally, but is most often performed in English outside of Russia. A 1944 English translation made for The Old Vic by Judith Guthrie reduced the structure of the play to two acts instead of four. This version was used for the 1946 Broadway revival, the 1947 West End production, and several other stagings in the United States and United Kingdom during the 20th century. The success of the stage play in the US led to the development of Victor Sjöström’s critically successful 1924 silent film of the same name which was notably the first film ever made by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer. Besides this film, the play has been adapted many times, including an earlier Russian film in 1916, a Swedish film in 1926, a novel in 1925, an opera in 1956, a 1961 television film, and a musical in 1971. Ben-Ami first appeared in an English-speaking production in 1920, when he played the leading role in “Samson and Delilah, ” a play by the Swede Sven Lange that he had originally starred in and directed in Yiddish at the Jewish Art Theater. Throughout a distinguished career he reflected that same sort of theatrical pluralism, appearing in plays by American, British, Russian and Yiddish playwrights during tours in Europe, South Africa, South America and the United States, performing with equal skill in Yiddish and in English. His reviews, in any language, were always good, although he appeared in only one real Broadway hit-Paddy Chayefsky’s “The Tenth Man, ” which opened in 1959 and in which he played the grandfather. He was last seen on the stage in 1972, in a production of “Yoshe Kalb, ” staged at the theater on 12th Street and Second Avenue-the site of the old Irving Place Theater-where Mr. Ben-Ami, then young Russian immigrant with idealistic views about the stage, first appeared in 1918 with Celia Adler, Ludwig Satz, and Maurice Schwartz. The productions of their company marked the full flowering of what Miss Adler called in her memoirs the Second Golden Era of American Yiddish Theater. The first great period of the Yiddish theater coincided with the great wave of Jewish immigration at the turn of the century. Ben-Ami was known as the literatatnik of that group, an actor who believed that the broad melodramas and comedies usually associated with the Yiddish stage should give way to more modern and realistic drama. When he was hired by Maurice Schwartz as principal player at the theater on the Lower East Side, Mr. Ben-Ami stipulated that a serious play would appear once a week, even agreeing to take a pay cut for the loss that Mr. Schwartz, a more pragmatic producer, expected. Although the first such production, “A Secluded Nook, ” was an unexpected success, the differences in philosophy and temperament between Mr. Ben-Ami ultimately led to a parting. Schwartz renamed his downtown tneater the Yiddish Art Theater, while Mr. Ben-Ami moved uptown to Madison Square and founded the Jewish Art Theater at Madison Avenue and 27th Street. It was there that he appeared in “Samson and Delilah, ” which was seen by the producer Arthur Hopkins, who later staged it at the Greenwich Village Theater, with an English-speaking cast that included Sam Jaffe and Edward G. Alexander Woolcott compared Mr. Ben-Ami to Eleanor Duse in his review of the production. Of the founding of his own theater Mr. Ben-Ami was to write decades later in The New York Times, About 20 years ago I knew the great joy of doing both what I wanted to and what I believed in doing in the theater. His theater in Madison Square successfully presented productions in Yiddish of plays or works by Sholom Aleichem, Tolstoy, and Gerhart Hauptmann. But, more important, it attempted to undercut the star system so prevalent in Yiddish Theater then and to highlight more modern productions. Starring roles were to be rotated, billing was to be alphabetical, and for the broad technique of the past, a more psychological approach was brought to bear on acting. The results led a New York Times reviewer to write of one of its plays in 1920, It is no longer the product of merely a Jewish theater. And the audiences said the same. As even theatergoers who did not speak Yiddish increasingly came to the Jewish Art Theater. Stalkerware’ Apps Are Proliferating. It’s Never Too Late to Publish a Debut Book and Score a Netflix Deal. For Al Franken, a Comeback Attempt Goes Through Comedy Clubs. Continue reading the main story. Ben-Ami was born in the Russian town of Minsk in 1890, the son of prosperous farmers; early in life he became enthralled by entertainment and acting, and in his later years always recalled his earliest ambition as the desire to be a circus clown. But that did not color his disdain of traditional Yiddish theater, which he found farcical and superficial. Ben-Ami began appearing in small repertory companies in Minsk. He was offered a recommendation to the renowned Moscow Art Theater, but working in the capital would have meant converting from Judaism, and the young actor refused. He appeared with various troupes as both an actor and a director until he decided to emigrate to New York in 1912. He worked here at the Neighborhood Playhouse and with variety of amateur groups before joining the group at Irving Place in 1918. After the success of his theater, and his appearance in the English-speaking Samson and Delilah,’ Mr. Ben-Ami was recognized as something of a dramatic find. He appeared on Broadway in 1921 in another Hopkins production, “The Idle Inn, ” followed by “Johannes Kreisler, ” “Man and the Masses” and “Welded, ” and went on in the 30’s to become mainstay of Eva LaGalliene’s Civic Repertory Theater, starring in “The Seagull, ” “The Cherry Orchard” and Camille. Ben-Ami starred in “Hamlet” and “Abe Lincoln in Illinois” in Yiddish in South America, played Willie Loman in a South African production of “Death of a Salesman, ” and appeared in an English-speaking version of “The World of Sholom Aleichem” in Chicago. He played for nine seasons in Buenos Aires, appeared at the Forum in Lincoln Center, and was in Isaac Bashevis Singer’s “In My Father’s Court” at the Folksbiene’Playhouse in 1971. From time to time Mr. Ben-Ami would attempt to revive a serious Yiddish troupe, but as he grew older he was satisfied with his many appearances in Yiddish productions mounted by others. Ben-Ami married Slava Estrin, an actress who translated plays from German, Russian and Polish into Yiddish. She died in 1966. The couple had one son, Amon, a textbook illustrator who lives in New York. Ben-Ami is also survived by a nephew, Paul Warren, and a niece, the actress Jennifer Warren. A funeral service will be held at 11 A. Tomorrow at Park West Chapel, 115 West 79th Street. [1][2] Immensely popular with Russian audiences, the work received numerous stagings throughout the Russian speaking world in the two decades after its premiere, and then later enjoyed a resurgence of popularity in the 1970s and 1980s in Russian theaters. [2] The work is still part of the dramatic repertory in Russian speaking countries. [2] While well-liked by the public, critical reaction to the work was initially negative in Russia. [1] Set inside a circus within a French city, the play’s main character is a mysterious 39-year-old stranger (referred to as “He”) whose name is never revealed to the audience. [1] “He” is fleeing a failed marriage and joins the circus as a clown. [1][3] That production used an English language translation of the original Russian by the psychoanalyst Gregory Zilboorg which was first published in 1921. [4] The play has been staged in multiple languages internationally, but is most often performed in English outside of Russia. [1] A 1944 English translation made for The Old Vic by Judith Guthrie reduced the structure of the play to two acts instead of four. [5] This version was used for the 1946 Broadway revival, the 1947 West End production, and several other stagings in the United States and United Kingdom during the 20th century. Composition and performance history in Russian. International performances in other languages. Photograph of Margalo Gillmore (Consuelo) and Louis Calvert (Baron Regnard) in the 1922 Broadway production. Roles, Original Broadway cast. Original Broadway cast, [3]. January 9, 1922 – May 20, 1922. “He”, mysterious stranger (sometimes modified to “Funny”). “Gentleman”, mysterious stranger and acquaintance of “He”. Consuelo, a horseback rider. Baron Renyard, wealthy patron. Count Mancini, Consuelo’s father. Papa Briquet, owner of the circus. Zinida, a lion tamer. Alfred Bezano, jockey and Consuelo’s lover. Richard Bennett as “He” (left) & Louis Calvert as Baron Regnart (right) in the 1922 Broadway production. The action takes place within circus in a large city in France. [1] In the opening scene a mysterious man, “He”, approaches the circus performers and requests to join the toupe as a clown. Uncertain, the circus members recognize that the man is well educated and cultured by his speech and manner, but believe he may be an alcoholic. To win their approval, “He” suggests that his part in the circus act could be receiving slaps from the other clowns, and that his circus name could be “He Who Gets Slapped”. [1] Andreyev’s script, keeps the audience guessing over the identity of “He”, and information is divulged in piecemeal over the course of the play’s four acts. [1] This construct keeps the psychological aspects of the play at the center, as the audience is constantly trying to figure out what is motivating the central character. In the first act, Papa Briquet, the owner of the circus, asks to see “He”‘s identification in order to register his employment with the government. “He” discloses his name into Papa Briquet’s ear, without revealing it to the audience. [1] The reaction of the circus owner reveals that “He” is famous and respected, but the audience gains no further knowledge of the character other than he is 39 years old. In the second act, “He” is an established clown in Briquet’s circus and his act has been a huge success, bringing financial prosperity to the circus troupe. However, the other performers warn “He” against talking too much about controversial political and religious topics during his act. At the end of this act a second mysterious man, known only as the “Gentleman”, arrives. It is revealed that the “Gentleman”, a former close friend of “He”, is the cause of “He”‘s marital problems, as the “Gentleman” had an affair with “He”‘s wife and they now have a son. [1] The Gentleman in hopes of repairing their relationship has been searching all over Europe for “He” for months, as his friend disappeared mysteriously after leaving an angry letter. In the third act, it is revealed that the “Gentleman” is now married to “He”‘s former wife, and that he wrote a highly successful book about his affair with her that has made the “Gentleman” rich and famous. The Gentleman appears regularly in the press with his wife and son. “He” vows never to return to his former life, and the Gentleman leaves. [1] “He” focuses his attention on Consuelo, and makes an unsuccessful attempt to sabotage her engagement to Baron Regnard. In the fourth act, “He” poisons Consuelo in order to prevent her from marrying Baron Regnard and she dies. Mancini commits suicide in despair. Consumed by guilt, “He” takes the poison as well and dies. Photograph of Margalo Gillmore, Frank Reicher and Richard Bennett in the 1922 Broadway production of He Who Gets Slapped. In a letter to S. Goloushev of September 10, 1915. Leonid Andreev writes: “Since August 17-18, among the pains and other things, I sat down to work, ” and names among other works completed during this time “He Who Gets Slaps” – a large 4-act play for the Drama Theater. It will be great to play and watch! [2] The initial staging of the play at the Moscow Drama Theater was very important to Andreev: in the fall of 1915 he specially came to Moscow to be present at the rehearsals, and even earlier he wrote a number of letters to some actors of this theater, in which he gave detailed explanations of the play. [2] He pays particular attention in his comments to the character of Consuelo. In a letter to the actress E. Polevitskaya September 28, 1915, he stressed that the disclosure of his one of the most important tasks of the artist and director: to show the goddess under the tinsel jockey and acrobat. The work premiered at the Moscow Art Theatre on October 27, 1915 to tepid critical reviews, but tremendous popularity with audiences who applauded continuously through fourteen curtain calls. [2][1] The production marked the professional debut of lauded Russian actress Faina Ranevskaya who portrayed one of the smaller roles. [2] The Alexandrinsky Theatre staged the work the following month (premiere November 27, 1915) in a staging by Nikolai Vasilyevich Petrov. [2] Numerous productions of the work were presented in Russia and Estonia over the next two decades, including performances in Kiev, Syzran, Voronezh, and Tallinn among others. The play received a resurgence of popularity in the Russian speaking world in the 1970s and 1980s, with productions mounted at the Russian Theatre, Tallinn, Saint Petersburg Lensoviet Theatre, and the Russian Army Theatre among others. [2] In 2002, visiting Finnish director Raija-Sinikka Rantala staged the play at the Moscow Art Theater. The title role was played by Viktor Gvozditsky, to whose 50th anniversary the premiere of the play was timed. [2] In 2020, Moscow director Natalia Lyudskova staged the play at the Pushkin State Drama Theatre Kursk. Swedish actor Gösta Ekman as “He” in 1926. In 1919 the play was given its first staging in France at the Théâtre des Arts in Paris. The production was directed by Georges Pitoëff who also wrote the French language translation of the play. His wife, Ludmilla Pitoëff, portrayed Consuelo in the production. [6] That same year the play had its United States debut in the Yiddish language with Jacob Ben-Ami as “He” at The New Yiddish Theater (in Yiddish, Dos Naye Yidisher) in New York City. [7][8] Ben-Ami would go on to perform the role in Yiddish and English in multiple production in the United States and Canada into the 1930s, including a 1929 production at the Cleveland Play House which became entangled in a highly publicized labor dispute. In March 1921 an American magazine, The Dial, published an English-language translation of the play by the psychoanalyst Gregory Zilboorg after his translation drew the attention of the magazine’s editor, the poet Marianne Moore. [10] Well received, that translation has been republished 17 times since that initial publication. [10] That translation was used for what was billed as the United States premiere (but really the English language premiere) of the play on January 9, 1922 at Broadway’s Garrick Theatre. [11] It remained there until February 13, 1922, when it transferred to the Fulton Theatre for performances through May 20, 1922. [3] The production then moved back to the Garrick Theatre, where it continued to play through September 30, 1922, closing after a total of 308 performances. [12] Starring Richard Bennett, the production earned glowing reviews in The New York Times. Following the Broadway production, producer Sam H. Harris mounted a national tour of the production which was directed by Joseph Gaites and was headlined once again by Richard Bennett. [13] Among the tour’s stops were the Hollis Street Theatre in Boston in November 1922;[13] a 10 week run at the Playhouse Theatre (now Fine Arts Building) in Chicago in December 1922 through February 1923;[13] and the Auditorium Theatre in Baltimore in October 1923. [14] Several more stagings of the play in English followed, including a productions at the Le Petit Theatre du Vieux Carre in New Orleans (1924). [10] The work was regularly staged in American regional theaters during the 1920s and 1930s when Andreev was at his height of popularity in the United States; during which time his works were banned in the Soviet Union. In 1926 the Austrian premiere was given at the Modernes Theater Wien in Vienna in 1926. [15] That same year the play was mounted for the first time in the United Kingdom at the Birmingham Repertory Theatre with Stanley Lathbury as “He”, Ralph Richardson as “Gentleman”, Muriel Hewitt as Consuella, Alan Howland as Polly, and Edward Chapman as Tilly using an English language translation by Gertrude Schurhoff and Sir Barry V. Jackson; the latter of whom directed the production. [16] In 1927 the play was mounted in London for the first time at the Everyman Theatre in Hampstead with Milton Rosmer as “He”, Frederick Lloyd as “Gentleman”, Gabrielle Casartelli as Consuelo, Dorie Sawyer as Zinida, Godfrey Baxter as Alfred Bezano, and Brember Wills as Mancini. In 1929 it was staged at the Oxford Playhouse for the first time. [17] In 1952 that theater mounted the work again in a celebrated revival directed by Oliver Marlow Wilkinson with David March as “He”, Susan Dowdall as Consuelo, John McKelvey as Briquet, Hugh Manning as Count Mancini, Mary Savidge as Zinida, and Ronnie Barker as Polly. In 1944 the played was staged at the Liverpool Playhouse by The Old Vic whose players had relocated to Liverpool from London during World War II due to The Blitz. Directed and produced by Tyrone Guthrie, it used a new English language translation divided into two Acts instead of four by Guthrie’s wife, Judith Guthrie, and was performed under the title “Uneasy Laughter”. The character of “He”, played by Old Vic’s director Peter Glenville, was renamed Funny in this version. Other cast member included Audrey Fildes as Consuelo, Eileen Herlie as Zinida, Arnold Marlé as Briquet, Noel Willman as Count Mancini, Scott Forbes as Bezano, Percy Heming as Jackson, and Henry Edwards as Baron Reynard. Both Guthries were utilized again for a Broadway revival staged by The Theatre Guild in 1946. The production starred John Abbott as Count Mancini, John Wengraf as Baron Reynard, Susan Douglas Rubes as Consuelo, Stella Adler as Zinaida, Wolfe Barzell as Papa Briquet, Reinhold Schünzel as Baron Regnard, Russell Collins as Jim Jackson, and John M. O’Connor as Polly. [21] Douglas won a Donaldson Award for her portrayal. In 1947 the play was staged for the first time in London’s West End at the Duchess Theatre under the artistic direction of Robert Helpmann and Michael Benthall; once again using Guthrie’s two act version of the play. Helpmann portrayed Funny (“He”), with Audrey Fildes as Consuelo, Margaret Diamond as Zinida, Arnold Marlé as Briquet, Ernest Milton as Count Mancini, Leonard White as Bezano, Stanley Ratcliffe as Jackson, Alfie Bass as Tilly, Peter Varley as Polly, and Basil Coleman as “Gentleman”. In 1951 the play was mounted using Guthrie’s adaptation at the Watergate Theatre, London with Brian Cobby as Bezano. [24] In 1952 literary critic Peter Bayley directed a production of the play for University College Players starring a young Maggie Smith as Consuelo. [25] In 1958 a second national tour starring Alfred Drake as “He” toured the United States. [26] In 1964 the Hampstead Theatre staged the work with Vladek Sheybal as “He”, Tristram Jellinek as Mancini, and Jo Maxwell Muller as Consuelo. [27] In 1985 the play was staged at the Riverside Studios. In 1995 the Hudson Theater won an Ovation Award for their production of the play which was directed by Dan Shor and starred Bud Cort as “He”. [29] A critically acclaimed production directed by and starring Yuri Belov with a new English translation by Belov was staged at the Ivy Substation in Culver City, California in 1997. Margalo Gillmore (centre, seated) as Consuelo, Helen Westley (Zinida), Philip Leigh and Edgar Stehli (Tilly and Polly, musical clowns) in the 1922 Broadway production. The first two productions, both Moscow and Petrograd, were, according to theater chronicles and recollections of contemporaries, a great success with the audience. [2] The actor llarion Nikolaevich Pevtsov in the leading role of “He” in both productions was praised universally by critics and audiences. [2] However, criticism was mostly negative about the play at the time of its premiere with the playwright being accused of “hodgepodge” and “derivation”. [2] Russian critic Alexander Kugel, who usually championed Andreev’s plays, gave a cold review of the play, reproaching the author’s lack of clear thought, which is replaced here by many contradictory “ideas”, and the abuse of external stage effects. Goloushev was more complimentary of the play and speaks of “He” as a role that requires a tragic actor of Chaliapin’s scale for its performance. In his article he points to the essential conflict underlying this drama-a masquerade where everyone’s mask is fused to his skin… “He” is again a Man with a capital letter, and again next to him is a gentleman, a man of little h. Again a clash of personality and crowd, of greatness of spirit and vulgarity. The personality is defeated. Everything he had lived with has been taken from him. The Russian poet Fyodor Sologub was one of the work’s champions. In his analysis the main character “He” is revealing of the clear outlines of an ancient myth under the guise of reality we are experiencing. Thoth, is an envoy of another, higher world, the Creator of ideas, who descended to the circus arena, again took on his humiliated appearance, a rabbit’s eyesight, voclauned, to again accept the sourdough. Consuella is the daughter of the people, the soul of simple-minded humanity, the charming Psyche… And the eternal story of the innocent soul, seduced by the eternal Defiler, is repeated. Current assessment of He Who Gets Slapped among Russian writers is much more positive, with scholars on Andreev contending that initial criticism misinterpreted the nature of conventionality in Andreev’s writing. [2] Contemporary playwright Victoria Nikiforova notes: Leonid Andreev’s play should appeal to lovers of indie melodramas and Emmerich Kálmán’s operettas. He Who Gets Slapped anticipated the plot of Die Zirkusprinzessin ten years earlier and the heated atmosphere of Seeta Aur Geeta by fifty. Critical assessment in the US was positive from its initial presentation in English in 1922. [1] Russian studies academic Frederick H. White writes, Andreev’s play about betrayal and revenge, seemingly, struck a chord with modern industrial America, during the unscrupulous Gilded Age of robber barons and a period of great social change due to a rapidly increasing immigrant population, a period in American history when the circus crisscrossed the country providing a vivid cultural window into this era’s complex and volatile web of historical changes. File:He Who Gets Slapped (1924). He Who Gets Slapped (full film). 1915, Russian film He Who Gets Slapped is released. 1924, American film He Who Gets Slapped is released by MGM. Carlin’s novel He Who Gets Slapped is published. 1926, Swedish film He Who Gets Slapped is released. 1956, Robert Ward and Bernard Stambler’s opera He Who Gets Slapped premieres at Lincoln Center. 1961, a television film for The Play of the Week starring Richard Basehart and Julie Harris[34]. 1971, an Off-Broadway musical adaptation entitled Nevertheless, They Laugh by composer Richard Lescsak and writer LaRue Watts is mounted at the Lamb’s Theatre in New York city with stars David Holliday and Bernadette Peters. Acob Ben-Ami was born on 23 December 1890 in Minsk, Belarus. His father was a house painter. He studied in a cheder and completed his education in a private school. After that he became an extra in a theatre. From his very early age he had a strong interest in the theatre. As a small boy he sang with various cantors and often, together with other choir boys, would be taken to sing behind the curtains in Russian theatre. When he was seventeen years old he was given walk-on roles with the Russian State Theatre (directed by Chernov and later by Belyiev). The following season he became the leader of the walk-on actors and still later he was given larger roles, some with talking parts. In the summer of 1908, he traveled with the Sam Adler-Meerson troupe as an understudy. After five months Ben-Ami was given the opportunity to play some minor roles. However, Adler had to let him go, telling him that he would never be an actor. Ben-Ami joined Mitleman’s troupe where he was given larger roles. After that, when both troupes amalgamated, Ben-Ami performed with them for a year. In Odessa, he met Peretz Hirshbein and helped him found the first Yiddish Dramatic Theatre (See Hirshbein troupe). There he both acted and directed. When this troupe disbanded, Ben-Ami directed for a short while in Vilna for the Yiddish Dramatic Amateur Circle. Later, this group became the nucleus for the Vilna Troupe. In 1912 Ben-Ami was invited to London to be the director and leading actor in the dramatic presentations of Feinman’s Artistic Temple Feinman’s Yiddish People’s Theatre – ed. After four months, however, the theatre was closed down. Ben-Ami was then invited to America to join Sarah Adler’s troupe, where Schildkraut was performing at the time. There Ben-Ami performed in “The Green Maiden, ” but this theatre too closed down in the middle of the season. Ben-Ami then became a member of the actor’s union, and in 1913 he was contracted to Thomashefsky where he acted in Dymow’s “Eternal Wanderer” under the direction of the author. In 1914 Ben-Ami toured with Keni Lipzin. In the spring of that year, he appeared at the Neighborhood Playhouse, with a group of amateurs in three one-act plays by I. In 1915, Ben-Ami signed on once more with Thomashefsky who assigned him very few roles over the next two years. He then joined Lieberman’s theatre where he played in a melodramatic repertoire directed by Weintraub. There he created the character “Note vasertreger” in Kalmanowitz’s A Mother’s Worth. In 1917 Ben-Ami signed on with Schwartz’s Irving Place Theatre, where they presented Pinski’s “Love’s Strange Ways” and Hirshbein’s “Faraway Corner, ” which became the hallmark of this theatre. The theatre had two names: In Yiddish, “The New Yiddish Theatre” (Dos naye yidisher teater), and in English, “The Jewish Art Theatre” (this name was bestowed on it by Emanuel Reicher). The repertoire of this theatre was: Hirshbein’s, “Puste kretchme” (Empty Shops), “Grine felder” (Green Fields); various one-act plays by Sholem Asch; “Mit’n shtrom” (With the Stream) by Sholem Aleichem; “Mentshn” (People), also, Pinski’s “Shtumer moshiakh” (The Silent Messiah), Dymow’s “Bronx Express, ” Hauptmann’s “Eynzame mentshn” (Lonely People), Tolstoy’s “Macht fun finsternish” (The Power of Darkness), and a reworked version of Sven Lang’s Samson and Delilah. Later he performed with the British Theatre Guild as an actor and director. Gorin: Happenings in the Yiddish Theatre, Vol. Entin: A yunge aktyor in a groyse role (a young actor in a great role), Di varhayt, October 6, 1917. Waiter’s Shtumer (The Silent Ones) in nayem yidishn teater (New Yiddish Theatre). Di naye velt, New York, April 16, 1920. Koralnik: Shildkroyt and Ben-Ami, in Der tog, November 21, 1920. Loel Slonim – Ben-Ami derzeylt vi er hot gefilt bay zany ershtn oyftrit oyf der englisher bine (Ben-Ami tells how he felt when he first appeared on the English language stage). Mukdoni – “Teater” (Theatre), New York 1927, pp. Jacob Mestel – “Zeks koyln tzaychnungen (Six charcoal drawings)”, Yiddish Theatre, Warsaw 1927. Kumner -Zichroynes vegn der hirshbayn troupe (Memories of the Hirshbein troupe), teater zichroynes (theatre memories), edited by Z. Zilbertzveig, Vilna, 1928, pp. Shames – Yaakov Ben-Ami vegn yidishn teater in amerike (About Yiddish Theatre in America), “Lit-bal”, Vol. Abba Lillian – “Samson and Delilah” “Yidishe vilne”, Philadelphia, June 5, 1924. Parker- Jacob Ben-Ami and Berta Gertman “Dos yidisher vort” (The Yiddish Word), Winnipeg, May 28, 1926. Koralnik – David Warfield–Ben-Ami, “Der tog” N. Buchwald – Ben Ami’s Triumph in Samson and Delilah, Frayhayt, October 8, 1926. Malach – Yaakov Ben-Ami un zayn yidishe kunst teater (Jacob Ben-Ami and his Yiddish Art Theatre), Di prese, Vol. Buchwald – Vos Ben-Ami and the players created in Leivik’s “Shop”, Frayhayt, Vol. Glantz – “Shop”, Der tog, Dec. Cahan – A naye piese in irving pleys teater (A New Play in the Irving Place Theatre) “Shop”, Forward, Dec. Buchwald – Leyvik’s sotziale drama in an umgeveyntlicher oyffirung (Leyvik’s social-drama in an unusual presentation), Frayhayt, Dec. Frumkin – Samson and Delilah in Irving Place Theatre, Der tog. Mukdoni – “Di shif mit tzadikim” (The Boat of the Righteous), Tog zhurnal, N. Cahan – Yevrayenov’s New Play in the Irving Place Theatre, Forward, September 21, 1926. Frumkin – “Di shif mit tzadikim” A beautiful, interesting theatrical play, Der tog, September 24, 1926. Pompadour – Drama-ayn, drama-oys (drama in and drama out) “kunst” (art), N. Mukdoni — Samson and Delilah, October 23, 1926. Volyhiner- Eyndruckn fur yidishn teater-fortshrit Impressions of the Yiddish Theatre. Cahan – Berkovitch’s new drama in the Irving Place Theatre, Forward, Nov. Shachne Epstein – A Literary Melodrama with an allusion to something more, Frayhayt, Nov. Pompadour – “Fun yener velt”, Kunst, Nov. Mukdoni – “Fun yener velt”, Yidishe teater, Nov. Kesner – “Fun yener velt”, Yidishe teater, Nov. Glantz – “Fun yener velt”, Der tog, Nov. Funeral services were held here yesterday for Jacob Ben-Ami, one of the best known actors of the Yiddish stage. He died Friday at the age of 86. Ben-Ami, who performed with equal skill in both English and Yiddish, had a long distinguished career appearing in plays by Yiddish, American, British and Russian playwrights on tours in Europe, South Africa, South America and the United States. He was last seen on the stage in 1972 in a production of “Yoshe Kalb” staged at the theater on Second Avenue and 12th Street on the East Side where he had appeared with Maurice Schwartz in 1918 in what was then the Irving Place Theater. Born in Minsk, Ben-Ami fell in love with the theater early. But he found the Yiddish theater too superficial and wanted to change it by learning from the Russian theater. He appeared in small repertory companies in Minsk but rejected a chance to join the renowned Moscow Art Theater because it would have meant converting from Judaism. Ben-Ami immigrated to the U. In 1921 and worked with some amateur groups before joining Schwartz in 1918. Ben-Ami, who wanted more modern and realistic dramas than the melodramas and comedies popular with Yiddish audiences, broke with Schwartz and founded the Jewish Art Theater where for years he presented plays by such authors as Sholom Aleichem, Tolstoy and Gerhart Hauptmann. He appeared in several Broadway productions but in only one real hit, Paddy Chayefsky’s “The Tenth Man, ” which opened in 1959 and in which he played the grandfather. Ben-Ami’s long stage career began in his native Minsk, Belorussia, before he was a teenager. After traveling with many Yiddish acting companies through Eastern Europe, Ben-Ami went to the United States in 1912 to appear with Rudolf Schildkraut and Sarah Adler in Yiddish plays. In 1918, together with Maurice Schwartz, he founded the Yiddish Art Theater in New York. Ben-Ami’s reputation as an actor and director grew, and in 1920 he made his English-language acting debut in Samson and Delilah, a drama written by a Dane, Sven Lange, that Ben-Ami had played and directed in Yiddish in New York and in Russia. The following year he made his Broadway debut in Peretz Hirshbein’s The Idle Inn, and many leading roles followed. Ben-Ami played more parts on the English-speaking stage than on the Yiddish, but he did not appear in a commercial success until almost 40 years later, when he played a grandfather in Paddy Chayefsky’s The Tenth Man (1959). In the interim, Ben-Ami toured extensively in South America, in South Africa, and in the United States where he did Yiddish plays and Yiddish translations of Russian, European, and American plays. This item is in the category “Collectibles\Autographs\Celebrities”. The seller is “memorabilia111″ and is located in this country: US. 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Autograph Founder Jewish Art Theater Jacob Ben Ami Signed Gelatin Silver Print